The Blue (White and Red) Orchestra: a soundtrack for the country that never was

The aim of the paper is to go beyond the commonly accepted view of Sarajevo’s Plavi orkestar (The Blue Orchestra) as the 1980s “teen pop-rock sensation” and illuminate the less conspicuous, but nevertheless crucial, political dimension of the band’s music and visual aesthetics. This will be done by discussing several “pieces of the puzzle” essential to understanding the background to and motivations behind Plavi orkestar’s political engagement in the second half of the 1980s: (1) the “Sarajevo factor;” (2) the Sarajevo Pop-rock School and the New Primitives “poetics of the local;” (3) the generational Yugoslavism; (4) the New Partisans “poetics of the patriotic;” and (5) the post-New Partisans “hippie ethos.” The concluding section of the paper will reflect on Plavi orkestar’s resurgence in 1998 and explore the question of the band’s continuing resonance within the post-Yugoslav and post-socialist contexts. An argument underlying the discussion of all of these elements is that Plavi orkestar’s Yugoslavism of the 1980s is best understood as a soundtrack for the country that never was (i.e. a popular-cultural expression of what, from the viewpoint of a particular generational cohort and its location in the “Yugoslav socialist universe,” the community they thought of as their own ought to have been but never really was), and that the current value of this soundtrack lies in offering not only a particular window into the pre-post-socialist past but also in being a symbolic referent for a certain kind of retrospective utopia that gauges the realities of the post-socialist – that is, neo-liberal capitalist – present and, in so doing, figures as a “normative compass” for the life of dignified existence.     

A difference that is not a difference

This symposium illustrates a serious problem. There has been a great deal of fragmentation in the field of public administration in the last two decades. For three decades, from the 40's through some of the 70's, public administration was able to encompass many diverse approaches within its boundaries. However, dissatisfaction with traditional public administration content, methodology, incrementalism, and administrative management led to divisions in the field of public policy and public management that have separated themselves from public administration. The desire for separateness is seen in changed names of academic programs and degrees, different course content and separate professional associations. The symposium was designed to try to stimulate debate and discussion of the ties rather than differences in the field.

This article discusses the differences from the standpoint of the students, the practitioners of public administration, the faculty and the public. The conclusion is that there is much more which should join these programs than separate them and that the need to produce leaders for the public service requires strong places in the academic world for these programs. The field would be stronger if those who argue for public policy, public management and public affairs separate and unequal from public administration would engage in dialogue to take the best of all these approaches and merge into a stronger whole. The common concern with the public nature of the profession and the need to educate public leaders overrides most of the perceived differences. The weakness in the perception of the field generally and in the academic world caused by these splits will continue until more common efforts are undertaken.

Public policy has contributed a great deal to improving methodological rigor in the field. Public management has been important in making the leap from policy to implementation. These differences have changed public administration considerably. But the parts of the field are not sufficiently aware of each other. Analysis of all the programs finds more in common than is acknowledged and finds that these differences do not make a real difference.

It is time to begin discussion of how to make all parts of this field stronger, to improve the academic training, to increase the link between theory and practice, and to work together to improve the public image of public service. To do this, these divisions must be acknowledged and brought together into a stronger professional program for the public service.     

具有里程碑意义的阿富汗大选

10月9日,历经两度推迟的阿富汗总统大选终于拉开了帷幕.此次大选是阿历史上具有特殊意义的首次民主选举,除个别人临时退出选举外,其余候选人如期角逐总统宝座.现任过渡政府总统卡尔扎伊为呼声最高的热门人选,前教育部长卡努尼、乌兹别克民兵领导人杜斯图姆和唯一女候选人马苏德·杰拉勒是卡的强劲对手.据统计,有1000多万选民积极踊跃地在全国设置的2.2万个投票站参加了投票,其中女性选民超过了40%.此外,还约有130万生活在巴基斯坦和伊朗的阿富汗难民也获得了参加投票资格.由于选区分散,选票统计的最终结果将在2-3周后公布.据有关人士透露,届时若无候选人的得票率超过50%,将在选票结果公布一周后进行第二轮投票,由获得第一轮投票的前两位再次角逐.阿总统大选的顺利举行将为其建立新的国家和政权以及进一步推进和平重建奠定坚实基础.     

All that Glitters is not Gold: India's rise to power

Recent years have seen a plethora of writings—by scholars, journalists and policy makers alike—on India's rise to power. This paper argues that this much-vaunted rise needs to be viewed with caution. It examines the case for India's rise, and operationalises its growing influence by applying and further developing the concept of ‘veto-player’. It highlights ways in which India has indeed acquired the status of a de facto veto-player in international relations. But the paper then presents three sets of reasons for caution. First, even though India's rise to power might appear dramatic and sudden, it is a product of a long and incremental process. This has policy implications: not all the policies of the preceding era should be carelessly abandoned by India or by other developing countries in similar circumstances. Second, there are still significant hurdles—many of which are domestic—that it must overcome if it is to fully realise its potential and acquire the status of a great power. Third, India may have acquired effective veto-player status in certain crucial negotiations, but this does not automatically translate into an ability to achieve preferred outcomes. Having examined the hurdles that India faces on its pathway to power, the paper goes on to suggest strategies that could be adopted to convert veto-player status into positive influence.     

『世纪审判』:萨达姆令伊当局难缠

从2004年10月19日至今,伊拉克前总统萨达姆·侯赛因已在巴格达美军严格控制下的"绿区"--伊拉克特别法庭上多次受审.这一"世纪审判"受到国际媒体和公众舆论的深切关注.关于该法庭是否合法、萨达姆若被判有罪是否会被处死、萨案的了结将对伊拉克局势产生什么影响,众说纷纭,各执其词.     

After the War was over: The civilian return to Leningrad

This article focuses on the civilian return to Leningrad after the end of the Blockade and in the immediate post-war period. It examines how the authorities tried to control movement back to the city but proved to be overwhelmed by vast numbers of civilians returning with or without permission. It describes post-war living conditions, explores the official historical narrative of resilience and recovery, and provides a critique of the alternative historical narrative that claimed there was no post-war ‘return to normalcy’ and that Leningrad became a different city after the war.     

The issue that inflamed India

The 1 issue, more than anything else, that cost Indira Gandhi the election in India was her mass sterilization campaign. Although no one questions India's need for an effective family planning program, the government's program to vasectomize millions of Indian men who had fathered 2 or more children was ruthlessly and often illegally applied and came to symbolize the dangers of authoritarian rule. The program's target was 4.3 million sterilizations; the campaign produced 7.8 million between April 1976 and January 1977. In an effort to ensure the program's success, the government censors prohibited newspapers from publishing any criticism of family planning. 6 months ago the Family Planning Council claimed that "a most favorable climate" has been created for the voluntary acceptance of sterilization. In a recent tour of the Indian countryside this claim was found to be untrue. None of the villagers this writer spoke to had been offered any guidance by a family planning worker. There had been no explanation, for example, that sterilization is not responsible for impotence. By last week when the votes were counted, the pattern was clear. In states where the sterilization program had been pursued with the most zeal but the least preparation, the defection from the Congress Party was the most severe.