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1.
政府职能转变包括三个方面,即政府职能总量从“全能”向“有限”转变、政府职能结构从过分注重政治统治向更加注重社会服务与管理转变、政府职能实现方式从直接的、行政方式为主向间接的、经济和法律方式转变。转变政府职能是发展现代经济的必然要求、是推进民主政治成长的重要路径、是加强和谐社会建设的重要保证、是实现生态文明建设目标的前提和基础。要正确处理政市、政企和政社三大关系,促进政府职能总量转变;合理确定职能结构,推动政府职能重心转变;构建现代政府治理体系,实现政府职能实现方式转变。  相似文献   

2.
本文根据当前政府职能及转变的理论研究中所存在的薄弱和欠缺之处,深入地总、结概括和挖掘马克思主义经典作家关于政府职能的理论,全面、深刻地剖析了我国政府职能转变的客观必然性。把政府职能转变置于社会历史发展的大背景之中,进行了深入的探讨,得出了独到的见解。  相似文献   

3.
政府职能创新   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
经济全球化进程的加快 ,使中国社会经济发展和政府管理面临许多新的机遇和挑战。要使国家利益最大化 ,并在国际市场竞争中处于有利地位 ,中国必须进行政府管理职能创新。  相似文献   

4.
知识经济为人类发展开辟了广阔的空间和境界,同时也对政府职能提出了挑战.我国政府要在知识管理、知识产权保护、公平与效率、培养新观念等方面发挥积极的作用.  相似文献   

5.
李明 《行政论坛》2007,(5):24-27
构建社会主义和谐社会,是在新形势下提高党的执政能力和推进我国经济社会发展的战略举措。从系统论的角度看,社会系统要实现整体和谐,获得良性的运行和发展,必须依赖于构建一个政府职能体系。构建政府职能体系必须树立和谐平衡的行政理念,全面认识政府职能体系;按照平衡、和谐的要求系统设计政府职能体系;按照构建和谐社会的要求对我国政府职能体系内外结构进行调整,对资源进行合理配置。  相似文献   

6.
政府职能转变是行政体制改革的关键环节,科学界定政府职能内涵是顺利实现政府职能转变的前提。本文在分析阐述政府职能内涵的基础上,深入探讨了当前政府职能转变过程中存在的七大障碍,并提出了具有针对性的对策思路。  相似文献   

7.
构建什么样的政府职能模式是进行行政改革的关键。本文通过对发达国家政府职能的研究,对前苏联转轨时期的经验教训的总结,结合中国的国情,认为我国在转轨时期应建立政府主导型的职能模式,并要尽快提高政府能力。  相似文献   

8.
9.
行政体制改革的核心是政府职能转变。我国转型期的特点和现实所处的环境以及政府自身利益等因素使得政府职能转变艰难。实现政府职能转变首先要理顺政府与市场的关系,把不该由政府管理的事项转移出去,从制度上更好地发挥市场在资源配置中的基础性作用,切实解决政府职能缺位、越位等突出问题。其次要明确政府与社会的关系,树立社会本位、共同治理、有限政府和服务政府等社会管理理念,使政府与社会关系良性发展。最后要加快各项配套改革进程,为政府职能转变提供有力支撑。  相似文献   

10.
关于转变政府职能的若干思考   总被引:23,自引:0,他引:23  
政府职能属于社会上层建筑领域 ,随着社会经济基础的变化 ,转变政府职能具有客观的必然性。本文针对政府在市场经济中角色的转换与职责、功能的变化 ,着重论证了政府职及其能转变的内容界定、方向设计与目标定位 ,从而阐明转变政府职能对我国经济体制改革与政治体制改革的重大价值。  相似文献   

11.
国外行政公开制度的迅猛发展,越来越引起人们的广泛关注和深入思考。这场大规模的行政公开运动,有其深刻的思想、政治、社会和经济动因,也有较为明显的发展趋势。分析和把握国外行政公开制度的发展趋势,有利于我们更好地审视和推动国内行政公开制度的建立与发展。  相似文献   

12.
Gross  Bertram M. 《Policy Sciences》1974,5(2):213-236
In most developing countries strategic decision-making has been largely based on false premises that have led to destructive results. One set of false premises stems from the assumption that development can be dissociated from the destructively exponential growth in developed countries, from the limits on the planet's physical resources and from complex ecological linkages. Another set is grounded on the popular myths of entrenched development economics: particularly, the enshrining of GNP as the overall indicator of progress, and the concomitant withdrawal of attention from poverty and concentrated wealth, unemployment, and the injurious effects of many modern technologies. These destructive premises tend to reinforce the evolving institutions of new-style empire and oligarchy.More successful development requires standing present development policies on their head through development goals calling for (1) a recognition of redistributive and nonmaterial growth possibilities, (2) redistributive, material and nonmaterial growth in developing countries, (3) redistributive, nonmaterial growth in overdeveloped countries, with a major slowing down of material consumption, (4) large-scale employment projects in developing countries, and (5) the fostering and use of more constructive technologies. All such shifts, however, would require—and tend to lead toward—substantial, long-term changes in the sociopolitical structure of developing countries and the world society.This paper is based on and adapted from The Limits of Development Administration, the keynote paper presented in October 1972 at the U.N. Public Administration Division's conference on development administration in Kiev, USSR, and Unemployment: The Snag in Development, prepared at Kiev and published in The Nation, Dec. 11, 1972.  相似文献   

13.
社会主义政治主体的行为文明是社会主义政治文明的核心,作为现代政治文明产物的政治主体政府承载了政治文明的全部内涵,因此,政府行为文明是社会主义政治文明的核心。政府文明的一切建构最终都要通过政府行为体现出来,而政府行为在实质上就是政府权力的运作过程,政府行为文明就是政府权力运行规则化、制度化,具体而言,就是对权力的取得、权力的边界、权力的内容和权力的监控都要实行规范化、法治化。同时,规范有序的政府行为文明需要体现现代政治文明的法治观念的强力支撑和保障。  相似文献   

14.
政府权力社会化是政府权力逐步向社会转移的过程,它作为社会发展一个不可变更的历史趋势和当代中国改革的一个基本取向,既具有科学管理的价值,又具有民主政治的意义。然而,在当代中国,它的实现却面临诸多制约因素或曰障碍。因而它的实现必然是一个长期而又缓慢的过程与目标。  相似文献   

15.
Many developing countries are putting increased pressure on local governments to mobilize resources, especially to meet the recurrent costs of operating and maintaining locally sited capital projects. Local taxes, user charges and voluntary contributions are all possible mechanisms to carry out these efforts. Yet several important issues arise whenever these mobilization instruments are contemplated and evaluated. Several, often competing, objectives must be considered when evaluating fiscal instruments including the ability of the mechanism to raise revenues, its effect on economic efficiency, its equity implications and its administrative feasibility. After discussing each of these objectives, we show how numerous constraints, including those imposed by the political/legal system, administrative structure, the economy and the culture of the country, must be recognized while searching for a workable set of reforms that will mobilize additional resources without doing great harm to the other objectives. The key to these reforms would seem to be incentives or disincentives inherent in the revenue structure. Without recognizing these incentives or attempting to alter them, resource mobilization efforts are likely to go astray.  相似文献   

16.
随着当今世界危机事件的增多 ,加强政府危机管理已成为各国政府建设的一个重要方面。我国政府也应该适应这种行政环境的发展要求 ,不断加强政府危机管理建设 ,提升防变抗变能力。本文介绍了政府危机管理的相关内容 ,就我国的政府危机管理中存在的问题进行了分析 ,并就我国的政府危机管理体制建设提出了相关建议  相似文献   

17.
Helene Ehrhart 《Public Choice》2013,156(1-2):195-211
This article analyses the impact of the electoral calendar on the composition of tax revenue (direct versus indirect taxes). It thus represents an extension of traditional political budget-cycle analyses assessing the impact of elections on overall revenue. We appeal to the opportunistic political budget model of Drazen and Eslava (2010) to predict the relationship between taxation structure and elections. Panel data from 56 developing countries over the 1980–2006 period reveals a clear pattern of electorally-related policy interventions. Taking the potential endogeneity of election timing into account, we find robust evidence of lower indirect taxes being applied by incumbent governments in the period just prior to an election. Indirect tax revenue in election years is estimated to be 0.3 GDP percentage points lower than in other years, corresponding to a fall of about 3.4% of the average figure in the sample countries, while there is no such relationship with direct tax revenue.  相似文献   

18.
We are grateful to Mark Toma, Gordon Tullock, Stephen Drew Smith, Bob Collinge and participants of the rent seeking panel held at the 1990 meetings of the Southern Economic Association for their helpful comments. Remaining errors are our responsibility.  相似文献   

19.
权力关系视角下的政府公信力建设   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
政府公信力是指政府通过自己的行为得到社会公众信任和认可的能力.近年来国内发生的一些有影响的社会公共事件,折射出当前我国政府公信力缺失的严重状况,深入分析政府失信事件,找出政府失信的权力根源,厘清权力来源,理顺权力关系,合理配置权力,加强权力监督,树立正确的权力观,确保权力的有效运作,这对于重塑政府形象、提高政府公信力、落实科学发展观等有着重要的现实意义.  相似文献   

20.
Voluntary agreements (VAs) negotiated between environmental regulators and polluters are increasingly popular in developing countries. According to proponents, they can sidestep weak institutions and other pervasive barriers to conventional mandatory regulation in such countries. Yet little is known about the drivers of their use and their effectiveness in poor countries. The considerable literature on voluntary initiatives in industrialized countries, where both VAs and socioeconomic conditions differ, may not apply. Using a conceptual framework drawn from the economics literature, we examine four prominent VAs in Colombia, a global leader in the use of this policy. We find that the main motive for using VAs has been to build capacity needed for broader environmental regulatory reform and that partly as a result, VAs’ additional effect on environmental performance has been limited. These findings contrast with those from industrialized country studies, which typically conclude VAs are used as a low-cost substitute for impending mandatory regulation and have few benefits because of weak regulatory pressure. Our findings suggest that in developing countries, VAs may be best suited to capacity building, not environmental management per se.  相似文献   

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