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The politics of preventive health care have changed dramatically in the last fifteen years. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, prevention was the motherhood issue of health care reform. With only the slightest glimmer of controversy, vaccination, promotion of lifestyle changes, mass screening, and safety regulation all became widely accepted strategies for improving health and reducing medical expenditures. By the mid-1980s, the dark side of each strategy became visible. Vaccinations can cause serious and permanent injuries; lifestyle factors are being used to raise insurance premiums, to deny eligibility for disability insurance benefits, and to deny employment. Screening is similarly used to deny employment, and new technologies for prenatal screening have raised fears of stigma and selective abortion among racial, handicapped, and antiabortion groups. Occupational safety regulation is increasingly focused on excluding the "high-risk" individual from jobs. In the absence of social protections from these economic and social harms, citizens have used tort and civil rights litigation to resist preventive health measures.  相似文献   

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EU labour law—namely that heterogeneous, unstable combination of interventions, tools, measures, sources through which the EU directly or indirectly impacts on the normative and functional frameworks of individual and collective labour law systems of the Member States in a relationship of mutual interference and interaction–is experiencing a progressive loss of relevance, with an unprecedented decline of its normative rationales, functions, regulatory techniques, and constitutional hierarchies. This article offers a critical reflection on the reasons behind such a regressive path in the context of the EU crisis.  相似文献   

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The Penalisation of Poverty and the rise of Neo-Liberalism   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
This article explicates and extends the analyses put forth by the author in his book, Prisons of Poverty, which argues that the generalised increase of carceral populations in advanced societies is due to the growing use of the penal system as an instrument for managing social insecurity and containing the social disorders created at the bottom of the class structure by neo-liberal policies of economic deregulation and social-welfare retrenchment. It retraces the steps whereby this neo-liberal penality was elaborated in the United States and then diffused throughout the world, but contends that European countries are not blindly following the American road to mass imprisonment: Europe's path to the penal state entails the conjoint intensification of both social and penal treatments of poverty and the activation of the policing functions of welfare services leading to a form of social panoptism. Only the building of a Europe-wide social state can check the spread of the penalisation of poverty and its deleterious social consequences.  相似文献   

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In ancient societies, rules of communal responsibility permitted the imposition of retaliatory sanctions on a wrongdoer's clan. These rules followed the collective ownership structure of early communities. Over time, notions of personal responsibility emerged, terminating the transfer of responsibility from one member to the whole clan. This paper intends to provide an economic explanation for this transition.  相似文献   

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Policing in China has undergone tremendous change during the economic transformation of the past three decades. This paper describes the plural policing bodies that have existed during pre- and post-reform periods in China. In the pre-reform period the policing bodies were generally public in nature with the public security police playing an important role in providing professional guidance to the other policing bodies. In the post-reform period, there has been a transition from a monopoly of public policing to an integration of public/private policing, with the public security police still playing a leading role in the policing network. Apart from the emergence of private policing (the security service industry), there is also a trend towards privatizing some previously public policing bodies in line with the movement toward strengthening the rule of law and towards privatization in general.  相似文献   

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Legal context. Companies which have seen their IP rights infringedacross Europe have, in recent years, been keen to obtain cross-borderrelief from infringement through bringing a single action inthe court of just one EU Member State. This approach has time,cost and tactical advantages for claimants, but raises complexjurisdictional questions. Key points. This article provides an in-depth explanation ofthe framework for litigating IP rights in the European Union.It describes the various interpretations to which the BrusselsRegulation on Jurisdiction has been subjected and how they affectthe availability of cross-border relief. This explanation providesa foundation for analysing the recent ECJ decisions in Gat vLuk and Roche v Primus. Practical significance. Cross-border jurisdiction and reliefis, in practice, no longer available in respect of registeredrights.  相似文献   

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Dr. jur., University of Munich 1963; Dr. jur. habil., University of Munich 1968.  相似文献   

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The abolition of Legislative Service Organisations by the 104th Congress (1995–96) constituted one of its earliest achievements. Although political dissensus had surrounded the role and activities of LSOs throughout their institutional existence, the Republican victory in the 1994 congressional elections was the critical factor prompting their abolition. Prior reform attempts had faltered upon the Democratic party's post‐1954 dominance of the House of Representatives and the diffuse representational and institutional benefits which LSOs conferred upon their members. However, when, under a new Republican majority, the perceived costs of LSOs were held to exceed their benefits, the organisations were rapidly terminated. The abolition of LSOs lends new and additional support to scholars who emphasise the continued salience of party to congressional politics in the United States.  相似文献   

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This article considers the development of data protection laws from a position on the periphery of legal consciousness to the situation where it is the subject of intensive legal and media publicity. Focusing on the recent controversies surrounding the use of Facebook apps for political purposes, the article will consider the role and limitations of data and privacy protection laws. The question will be posed – if not answered – whether national or regional laws can be effective in what increasingly is a global information society.  相似文献   

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The endorsement of certification in Article 42 and 43 of the General Data Protection Regulation (hereinafter GDPR) extends the scope of this procedure to the enforcement of fundamental rights. The GDPR also leverages the high flexibility of this procedure to make of certification something else than a voluntary process attesting the conformity with technical standards. This paper argues that the GDPR turned certification into a new regulatory instrument in data protection, I suggest to call it monitored self-regulation, seeking to fill the gap between self-regulation and traditional regulation in order to build a regulation continuum.  相似文献   

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