东亚吸引外资的新星——越南

近年来,越南政府致力 极吸引外资,并取得了显著成效,越南已成为外资投资东南亚的首选地.近来,日本企业对越南等劳动力更廉价地区的投资热情步步升高,日越之间的交往日益密切,继2007年1月14日越南贸易部副部长潘世睿带领越南代表团对日本进行访问刚好一周后,1月21日,日本九州经济联合会与经济产业局代表团一行30人动身前往越南访问,以加强日本与越南之间的经贸合作.     

鲜血与恐怖开始在亚洲蔓延——亚洲的恐怖主义

印尼:“不速之客”仍在逍遥法外 去年10月21日,印尼巴厘岛发生了一起导致191人死亡的炸弹爆炸案。该案主谋兼协调人伊曼·萨姆德拉已被警方抓获,并对犯罪事实供认不讳。萨姆德拉据信是一个聪明人,走到哪里就把手提式电脑带到哪里,以狂热地崇拜高科技而出名。他打手机也十分小心,总是把通话时间限定在20秒钟内,藉以使警方的扫描技术化为泡影。据警方介绍,巴厘岛爆炸案     

越南积极应对经济动荡

2007年底尤其是2008年以来，越南经济运行出现动荡，通货膨胀率一路走高，货币大幅贬值，股市和房市暴跌，贸易赤字恶化，经济增长放缓。2008年5月底，摩根斯坦利、惠誉等国际投资银行和机构纷纷发布报告唱衰越南经济，对越南的主权评级展望从“稳定”下调到“负面”，警告说越南正走向类似于泰国1997年的货币危机，甚至会连累整个东南亚地区出现货币危机的情况。一时间，有关“越南出现金融危机”、“越南经济衰退将引发地区金融危机”的报道充斥媒体，数年来一直被世界普遍看好的越南经济仿佛一夜间褪去了耀眼的光环，未来发展的不确定因素陡然放大。     

日本经济与亚洲经济概观

1.世界经济现状 在我们进入21世纪的同时,世界经济也开始发生了地壳式的变动,即欧美经济的停滞与亚洲经济的隆起。 美国纽约股票市场在2001年1月达到最高值之后,其泡沫开始崩溃,世界股票同时开始下跌,IT不景气深深笼罩着世界,世界贸易减少,阿根廷不履行债务引起了中南美的经济危机,国     

迎接亚洲经济的新世纪

<正>亚洲经济正在崛起,这必将深刻影响和改变世界经济体系。未来10—20年,随着亚洲经济的进一步发展,世界产业结构、世界市场体系、全球分工体系、国际贸易结构、国际金融体系以及国际资本流动和投资发展格局等,都会由此发生深刻变化。亚洲经济和亚洲世纪也必将对全球经济治理和国际体系产生深刻影响。首先,亚洲经济正在成为世界经济发展的重要增长极,欧洲、美国和亚洲经济三足鼎立的格局已经形成。经过几十年的发展,亚洲生产总值、外国直接投资和贸易在全球所占     

越南经济体制改革的成就和前景

越南改革发韧于80年代初,到1986年全面铺开。7年多来,越南逐步调整了内外政策,以建立市场经济为目标取向,大力推行革新开放,对原有的经济发展战略、国民经济管理体制和经济结构进行大规模的改革,并加快对外开放的步伐,取得明显成效。特别是进入90年代以后,越南经受了错综复杂的国际形势的考验,初步克服经济中的严重因难,改革继续深入,经济持续发展,引起国际社会的普遍注目。     

亚洲经济为何重现危机?

1997的亚洲金融危机犹在眼前,其后两年多的亚洲经济消失在人们的注意之外,而当我们再度关注这个地区时,却发现危机仍然是亚洲经济的主题。从1999年开始,亚洲国家的经济开始复苏,到2000年,包括在金融危机中遭受重创的五个国家(马来西亚、泰国、菲律宾、印度尼西亚和韩国),都获得了很高的经济增长率。但是好景不长,从2000年第四季度开始,亚洲国家的经济复苏走到了尽头(这里说的亚洲国家不包括中国,也不包括日本,虽然日本经济也将出现衰退,但它与其他亚洲国家的情况不同),到2001年第一季度,亚洲各国纷纷陷入经济急剧减速     

日本的亚洲太平洋经济研究

1. 序言亚洲太平洋地区研究的范围广范,即使限定经济学领域也不易进行展望。所以,为参加本次日中学术交流会议而赶写的本稿是相当主观的展望,绝非包罗一切。研究特定国家或地区的某一经济问题的论文多得数不胜数,本稿局限于与当代区域合作和地区政策有关的领域,提供先期性展望。本来,对亚洲太平洋地区的定义就未必得到统一,有时它意味着"亚洲和太平洋地区"     

谁主亚洲沉浮?——亚洲地缘经济中的竞争与合作

4月12日,日本首相小泉纯一郎在博鳌亚洲论坛上发表演讲时说,他不认为“中国的经济发展是个威胁”,他是第一个这样说的日本首相,这与日本国内的主流舆论相反。小泉这样说,在外交场合不刺激中国当然是一个原因,更重要的,小泉其实认为,说“中国威胁”抬高了中国的地位,他不愿意面对中国成为亚洲地区经济大国的现实。     

Chinese capitalism: Cultures,the Southeast Asian region and economic globalisation

Globalisation is often presumed to be an economically, socially and culturally homogenising force. The deterioration of capitalism's major rival in the early 1990s has paved the way for a truly global economy in which all participants increasingly operate under the general logic of capitalism-that is, a market-orientated system of production and exchange, private ownership and a flexible labour market predicated upon self-interest. Yet, while the pressures of globalisation are obviously formidable and increasingly felt by all, economic societies remain diverse and have responded to these pressures in unique ways. This article makes its case for the continued diversity of capitalism by emphasising the unique mode of economic organisation that has emerged in Southeast Asia; one rooted in the demands of globalisation as well as in the cultural foundations of the Overseas Chinese. The evolution of ethnic-Chinese business networks, which define Southeast Asia's political economy, constitutes a unique reaction to the pressures of globalisation and has laid the basis for a distinct articulation of capitalism in the region.     

Citizenship-based competitiveness policy in a new economic world

As a result of current economic changes (with the consequent premium placed on citizens’ and countries’ competitiveness in the global economy), democratic countries face a fundamental challenge: How can efforts to enhance economic competitiveness be reconciled with citizenship obligations? This article suggests parameters for debate on how to meet this challenge. It first explores the nature of citizenship obligations in modern democracies. Next, it offers a conceptualization of competitiveness (and the general characteristics of policy choices which may facilitate a reconciliation. It then surveys competitiveness policies in one region of Sweden which were founded on the premise that it is appropriate to pursue simultaneously economic competitiveness and enhancement of human welfare. These policies may provide insights on what citizenship-based policies can look like.     

法国政坛新星--人民运动联盟主席萨科齐

尼古拉·萨科齐于2004年11月28日,在法国第一执政大党人民运动联盟举行的代表大会上,以85%的多数当选为党主席.毫无疑问,这是人民运动联盟2002年成立以来所经历的最重大事件,它标志着法国政坛升上了一颗耀眼的新星,将会对面临2007年总统选举前景的法国政局产生重大的影响.     

East Asian financial regionalism: why economic enhancements undermine political sustainability

East Asian financial regionalism was born in response to the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997–1998. The centrepiece of financial regionalism was the Chiang Mai Initiative (CMI), an emergency liquidity mechanism created by the ASEAN+3. It embodied both a clear interpretation of what had gone wrong in 1997–1998 and an understanding of the need for institutions that would be politically viable despite Sino-Japanese rivalry. Enforcement under CMI relied on the ‘IMF link’ – release of funds would be predicated on crisis countries' initiating negotiations with the International Monetary Fund (IMF), as a means of reducing moral hazard, enforcing conditionality and diverting blame from the leading creditors, Japan and China. The global financial crisis of 2008–2010 and the eurozone crisis that followed have inspired important changes meant to address CMI's economic gaps, including accelerated adoption of ‘CMI Multilateralization’ (CMIM), the creation of a new surveillance unit (ASEAN+3 Macroeconomic Research Organization, or AMRO), and the establishment of a new precautionary line. Many observers have remarked that these developments weaken the IMF link, which had effectively subordinated CMI to the IMF. While the moves appear to demonstrate a more confident, autonomous regionalism and a relative devaluation of the US-dominated global financial institutions, this paper argues that in fact, the ASEAN+3 states have again unearthed the underlying politics of divided leadership and mutual suspicion. CMIM is now threatened by the renewed potential for internal divisions. Further complicating the picture, both China and Japan have recently established large bilateral swap lines outside of the CMIM framework with several of their ASEAN+3 partners, raising the question of whether CMIM is moving towards political irrelevance even as it has arrived at a high water mark in its institutional development.     

The ASEAN free trade area and the construction of a Southeast Asian economic community in East Asia

In October 2003, ASEAN leaders decided to establish an ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) by 2020. An AEC is presented by advocates as a logical step following the completion of the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA) by ASEAN6 in 2003. Adopting a critical political economy approach inspired by the work of Mitchell Bernard and Robert W. Cox, this article argues that the decision to launch AFTA and an AEC are motivated primarily by the desire to transform Southeast Asia into an investment site and a production base for the world market within East Asia, in competition with China. AFTA and a future AEC are decisions taken within the structural context of an East Asian region characterised, among others, by the organisation of Japanese production and the developmental state.     

新官僚利益集团的崛起与俄罗斯特色的资本主义

1997年，当时正红得发紫的俄金融寡头别列佐夫斯基曾经得意洋洋地吹嘘，以他为首的7家私有寡头企业控制了俄罗斯经济。但风水轮流转，10年之后，当别氏等寡头或流亡海外，或被捕入狱，或改头换面之后，俄私有商业寡头的美好时光已经一去不复返了，取而代之的是普京执政后崛起的新的克里姆林宫利益集团。