THE SOUTH AUSTRALIAN GOVERNMENT AND THE INDUSTRIES ASSISTANCE COMMISSION

Abstract: One frequent source of inter-governmental conflict within a federation is the different economies of the constituent units, and State governments in Australia have increasingly become aware of the regional consequences of Federal policies in areas such as tariffs. This is of particular concern to South Australia which, compared to other States, has a greater than average reliance on manufacturing industry, especially those industries which depend on a relatively high level of tariff protection. The industrialization of South Australia from the 1930s onward was based on a complex interaction between government and business, and thus in the 1960s when the revitalized Tariff Board and later the Industries Assistance Commission showed that they were committed to lowering the level of tariff protection, the new Premier's Department became the focus of the government's interest in tariff matters. From January 1974, following the creation of the IAC, to 1976 was the high point in the State's involvement in the making of Australian tariff policy, both in terms of the number of inquiries calling for submissions and in the capacity of the government to participate. The staffing and organization of individual departments concerned with tariffs were strengthened, and an interdepartmental Industry Inquiries Screening Committee was established to coordinate government submissions. Since the 1976 Inquiry into Shipbuilding, the government's involvement with the IAC has tapered off, partly as a result of the feeling that the greatest gains are won at the “political” rather than at the “administrative” level Although it is difficult to assess the success or otherwise of the South Australian government's venture into the making of tariff policy, a number of consequences for the State may be identified. The regional point of view was at least placed before the IAC; the State public service was strengthened; the already close relationship between business and government became even more intimate (despite differences in ideology); and some of the crude protectionist views held in the early 1970s have been replaced by a commitment to a long-term reconstruction of industry.     

RECONCILING THE IRRECONCILABLE? THE RESOURCE ASSESSMENT COMMISSION,RESOURCES POLICY AND THE ENVIRONMENT*

Abstract: This paper investigates the place of the Resource Assessment Commission (RAC) in the reform of resource policy-making undertaken by the Hawke government in the aftermath of its experience of the Wesley Vale pulp-mill dispute. The paper argues that the RAC was seen as a foundation upon which the reformed process would rest. The RAC's role would conform to the essence of “accordism”—that is, it would seek to depoliticise information and scientific data by filtering the wide range of inputs at the evaluative stage whilst attempting to reconcile hitherto irreconcilable interest groups from the development and environment sides of the land-use debate. The paper begins by exploring the origins of the RAC. It then reviews the RAC in action and concludes by analyzing the role of the commission within the broader context of the Hawke government's pursuit of “consensus politics”.     

THIRD WORLD URBANIZATION AND AMERICAN FOREIGN AID POLICY: DEVELOPMENT ASSISTANCE IN THE 1990s

Over the next decade, the demographic and economic characteristics of countries to which the United States government provides technical and financial assistance for economic development will change substantially. Rapid urban population growth, the expanding role of cities and towns in national economies, continued migration of population from rural to urban areas, explosive growth in the size of the labor force, and shifts in the occupations of the labor force from agriculture to manufacturing and ser- vices will require a reorientation of American development assistance. Yet, program objectives and budget allocations of the U.S. foreign aid program fail to reflect these changes in the characteristics of its clientele. The US. Agency for International Development lacks an overt strategy for coping with urbanization in developing nations. Without an urban strategy, the American foreign aid program is likely to incur increasing opportunity costs and fail to address critical problems arising from fundamental shifts in the economic and social structure of developing countries.     

POLITICS, POLICY MAKING AND PRESSURE GROUPS: SOME SUGGESTIONS FOR REFORM OF THE AUSTRALIAN POLITICAL SYSTEM

Abstract: In Australia, current policy making is characterized by immobilism, drift and "pluralistic stagnation". The problem is not lack of technical expertise, but the mobilization of political consent in a polity in which pressure groups have proliferated. In the post-war period, the welfare state/managed economy has transformed the role of government and the potential power of pressure groups. New networks of interdependency have developed. Some of the principal groups are beneficiaries of redistributive programs, producer groups, state and local government agencies and professionals in government. Their potential power has been made actual by a new participative ethic. The post-materialist values of which this is part also result in the growth of groups focusing on quality of life and moral issues. In this context the political parties are losing their central place in the polity and the centralized organs of executive government appear over-secretive and aloof. Reforms are needed to realign institutions with the new cultural and structural realities. Broader interest group involvement is needed. Parliament, through a committee system, could play a major role and its historical function as custodian of the public interest should be revived. Departments must find new ways to involve more groups in policy formulation and implementation. Information must be shared more widely and policy analysts and advisors should work more closely with groups in defining issues, negotiating alternatives and encouraging the development of supportive coalitions. New "intelligence" and "outreach" functions within the public service are required, and the existing approaches of policy units and research bureaux should be remodelled.     

THE MEANING OF DEVELOPMENT ASSISTANCE

Prevailing paradigms of macro‐economic management and levels and distributions of poverty in some rich countries suggest that economic and strategic self‐interest rather than poverty reduction in poor countries are likely to be the primary objectives of much development assistance. The incommensurability of the paradigms of development discourse makes it unlikely that strongly held ideologically based positions on these matters will change quickly or easily. Moreover, non‐altruistic positions can be maintained more readily by virtue of the loose construction of international declarations such as the Paris Declaration. Based on different interpretations of the Paris Declaration, empirical evidence from Cambodia and Indonesia of donor opportunism that is designed to maximise aid control and aid distinctiveness for non‐altruistic purposes is presented. Recent sharp declines in donor legitimacy have made this more difficult to do, but even so, there have been no concomitant reductions in donor self‐assurance concerning their exclusive possession of the moral and technical high ground. Such behaviour is, however, increasingly resented particularly by government officials in lower middle‐income countries like Indonesia. Resulting relationships lack trust and are therefore unlikely to contribute optimally either to the realisation of non‐altruistic purposes or to poverty reduction. Copyright © 2011 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

THE ROLE OF STATE ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMS IN NATIONAL INDUSTRY POLICY

A decade of economic stagnation has produced a plethora of calls for government action to stimulate economic growth in employment. Arguing that activists federal industry policy is likely not to emerge in the United States, Rasmussen and Ledebur examine the potential role of states in a "federalist industry policy." States presently administer effective programs of financial assistance to business enterprises. These efforts are "rationally parochial" in that their purpose is served equally well by cresting a new job or pirating from other jurisdictions. This paper considers how state programs can be reoriented to serve national growth and development objectives as well as those of specific jurisdictions. It concludes that a subnational industry policy offers a unique opportunity to reallocate existing state resources to achieve a much higher social return.     

BUREAUCRATIC POLITICS AND THE DEMISE OF THE COMMONWEALTH TERTIARY EDUCATION COMMISSION

Abstract: In the early 1980s the Commonwealth Tertiary Education Commission functioned as a relatively independent, self-directed policy arena within the commonwealth bureaucracy. Policy outputs tended to be consistent and coherent over time. During the last three or four years, however, a number of federal departments succeeded in gaining control over aspects of tertiary education policy. This development was due partly to a changed economic environment which encouraged the growth of cross-sectoral programs, and partly to administrative reforms introduced by the Hawke government which fostered increased interdepartmental competition. The outcome was the fragmentation of the tertiary education policy process. The removal of CTEC and the creation of the Department of Employment, Education and Training is an attempt to reimpose a greater degree of coordination and integration upon tertiary education policy procedures.     

NEGOTIATING HOUSING POLICY THE QUEENSLAND HOUSING COMMISSION AND FEDERAL, STATE AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT, 1945–64

Abstract: An examination of a single institution and its relationships with different levels of government can be used to question commonly held interpretations. This study of the Queensland Housing Commission (QHC) indicates that there is some need to reassess the effectiveness of tied grants as a mechanism for commonwealth intervention in areas of state concern. In Queensland, at least, the state government played a much more significant role in determining both the overall direction of the housing authority and its day-to-day operations. This suggests that the assumption that statutory authorities have some autonomy from direct government intervention may not always be appropriate. The weakness of local government in Australia is acknowledged but it is important to note that state government instrumentalities have contributed significantly to this weakness. This study of the QHC provides one example of how local autonomy can be compromised.     

SUBGOVERNMENTS AND THE IMPACT OF POLICY FRAGMENTATION AND ACCOMMODATION

For many years political scientists have utilized the subgovernment model of policy-making to explain certain types of policy output. Recently a number of scholars have argued that the traditional conceptualization of subgovernments was simplistic and incomplete. They view subgovernments as a complex and integral part of the larger policy-making environment. This paper examines this “new” subgovernment by analyzing its role in contemporary public policy-making. If subgovernments have lost their autonomy and been exposed to the complex demands of the larger political system, what impact does this have on policy outputs? Relying upon the literature on subgovernments and their principal components, the paper offers an interpretation of how subgovernments have potentially expanded their influence on public policy as a result of two contemporary developments: policy-making fragmentation, and the accommodation of policy outputs.