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Public Choice - Networks underlie notable cases of rapid development without democratic institutions, a phenomenon known as crony capitalism that has two distinctive features: (1) dispensation of... 相似文献
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Abstract In the early years of the Community it was assumed that there was a widespread consensus about the future development of Europe, and that decisions by the Council of Ministers were broadly in line with public opinion. In recent years the growth in the powers and responsibilities of European institutions has been considerable, through the Single European Act and the Maastricht Treaty. The Community is now the world's largest trading group, and one of the three most important players on the world economic scene alongside the USA and Japan. The EU has grown from six to fifteen member states, and further waves of enlargement are on the horizon. Yet many fear that processes of representation and accountability have not kept pace with this expansion, producing a legitimacy crisis (Anderson & Eliassen 1996; Hayward 1995). The key issue addressed throughout this Special Issue is the classic one of political representation: how the preferences of European citizens can be linked to decision making within the European Union. 相似文献
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Pippa Norris 《European Journal of Political Research》1997,32(6):273-282
In the early years of the Community it was assumed that there was a widespread consensus about the future development of Europe, and that decisions by the Council of Ministers were broadly in line with public opinion. In recent years the growth in the powers and responsibilities of European institutions has been considerable, through the Single European Act and the Maastricht Treaty. The Community is now the world's largest trading group, and one of the three most important players on the world economic scene alongside the USA and Japan. The EU has grown from six to fifteen member states, and further waves of enlargement are on the horizon. Yet many fear that processes of representation and accountability have not kept pace with this expansion, producing a legitimacy crisis (Anderson & Eliassen 1996; Hayward 1995). The key issue addressed throughout this Special Issue is the classic one of political representation: how the preferences of European citizens can be linked to decision making within the European Union. 相似文献
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民主社会主义在向其他国家和地区传播的过程中,因本土适应性问题会产生不同的历史效果。瑞典的文化特质为塑造"瑞典模式"提供了文化根基;拉美国家的本土因素却使民主社会主义呈现较大的变异性;从民主社会主义在我国的历史流变来看,它难以适应中国本土而有实质性的发展,中国特色社会主义是立足于我国实际、在长期实践中形成的前所未有的社会主义之路。 相似文献
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Richard I. Hofferbert & Hans–Dieter Klingemann 《European Journal of Political Research》1999,36(6):155-174
Using the natural laboratory of 18 post–communist Central and Eastern European countries, this article presents a basic model for democratic transition, specifically testing two alternative explanations for the degree of citizen satisfaction with the performance of their fledgling democracies: (1) virtues of omission, which include bad actions from which the state refrains, namely violations of individual human rights, and (2) virtues of commission, which include positive state actions, in particular actions enhancing economic well–being. The findings clearly indicate that, during the transition period citizens' sense of the condition of human rights is consistently more important than are perceived economic prospects as predictors of democratic performance. 相似文献
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《Strategic Comments》2013,19(7):vi-viii
After a summer of protests sparked by frustrations with Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan's conservative social agenda and growing authoritarianism, a new ‘democratisation package’ announced by Erdogan in September will grant greater freedoms to certain sections of society. But others are likely to see further restrictions. 相似文献
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Hofferbert Richard I. Klingemann Hans-Dieter 《European Journal of Political Research》1999,36(2):155-174
Abstract Using the natural laboratory of 18 post–communist Central and Eastern European countries, this article presents a basic model for democratic transition, specifically testing two alternative explanations for the degree of citizen satisfaction with the performance of their fledgling democracies: (1) virtues of omission, which include bad actions from which the state refrains, namely violations of individual human rights, and (2) virtues of commission, which include positive state actions, in particular actions enhancing economic well–being. The findings clearly indicate that, during the transition period citizens' sense of the condition of human rights is consistently more important than are perceived economic prospects as predictors of democratic performance. 相似文献
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Abstract. The argument presented is that political culture and institutional structures independently shape government performance. This is consistent with Putnam et al.'s (1983) initial argument that 'endogenous' and 'exogenous' factors are independently at work in shaping institutional performance. It is hypothesized that: (I) social capital within a community positively contributes to government performance, and (2) governmental institutional forms that minimize the number of veto players in the decision making process generate performance superior to those where the number of veto players is large. An analysis of cross–sectional data (mainly drawn from surveys of citizens and elites) on 30 small– to medium–size municipalities in East and West Germany from the year 1995 is undertaken to evaluate these hypotheses. The results from this analysis lead to the following conclusions. Higher social capital within the elite political culture of a community leads to greater citizen satisfaction with local government performance. Local government structures where power is centralized (and thus the number of veto players minimized) generate greater citizen satisfaction with government performance than do those where the distribution of power is more diffuse. 相似文献
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古希腊民主制度的形成是涉及到诸多因素的复杂问题,但更主要的是由其地缘--自然环境决定的,其特定的地缘--自然环境为古希腊人提供了生产的物质基础和生活空间,也影响和制约其社会,£产生活的方式,进而影响到古希腊人的政治精神和政治制度的设计与选择.本文将从其地缘--自然环境影响下的社会生产生活方式培养的古希腊公民精神、狭小的城邦为古希腊公民参与民主政治提供了地理上的可能、发达的奴隶制为古希腊公民参与民主政治提供了经济基础三个方面来探讨古希腊民主制度的成因. 相似文献
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José M. Rosales 《Citizenship Studies》1998,2(2):257-272
Although not its sole dimension, the idea of equality of rights and resources is one of the basic tenets of liberalism. Liberal equality introduces a reformist thrift in government by determining that government action should aim to create opportunities for the realization of the civil condition. This is a legal and political condition, thereby citizens enjoy a statute of equal rights. Hence, the liberal idea of reformism proceeds by removing the obstacles to the realization of the civil condition and by providing the legal and the material resources for the exercise of citizenship rights. This interpretation is not self‐evident, especially in times when neoliberalism seems to represent the entire liberal tradition. I shall argue that liberal reformism makes up a vital foundation for democracy. Even more, the own survival of democracy in our times depends on its rooting in liberalism. 相似文献
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