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THOMPSON  D. V. 《African affairs》1957,56(223):128-136
This article is based on the address given by Miss Thompsonat the Africa Day Conference held at the Royal Society of Artson November 17, 1956.  相似文献   

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There is a strong case for a policy of conceptual scepticism about ‘civil society’ given the wide range of uses of the term and the ideological reasons which have led to its reintroduction to the study of politics. However, consideration of the idea of civil society remains an extremely useful exercise to the understanding of political change provided that we do not lose sight of its ambiguities and limitations. Civil society is weak in Thailand, extremely weak in Georgia, but strong in many respects in South Africa; these differences are both exemplified and magnified when we consider the nature and range of sporting organisations in the three countries.  相似文献   

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Crime, conflict and politics in transition-era South Africa   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
Kynoch  Gary 《African affairs》2005,104(416):493-514
Despite the potentially catastrophic repercussions of SouthAfrica’s violent crime epidemic, little progress has beenmade in understanding why violence has persisted and even escalatedsince the end of apartheid in 1994. Adopting an historical approachthat highlights the persistence of urban violence throughoutthe twentieth century, this article focuses on the criminaldimensions of the ‘political’ conflicts of the 1980sand 1990s. The advent of democracy was not in itself sufficientto erase a deeply entrenched culture of violence produced bydecades of repressive racial policing, violent crime and socialconflict. Moreover, politicized hostilities and the continuingdeterioration of law and order structures in the final yearsof apartheid gave birth to various groups that engaged in criminalviolence and provided favourable conditions for well establishedcriminal networks. Such elements were unlikely to put down theirguns and relinquish power simply because politicians declaredthe fighting to be over. Situating transition-era violence withinits historic context and broadening the narrow conception of‘political’ conflict enable us to better understandboth this fractious period and the violence that continues toafflict South Africa.  相似文献   

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This represents the bulk of a lecture on the 10th July, underthe Chairmanship of Lord Hailey. Mr. Rheinallt Jones is Presidentof the South African Institute of Race Relations, and Advisoron Native Affairs to the Anglo-American Corporation.  相似文献   

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ATTLEE  MARY 《African affairs》1947,46(184):148-151
Miss Attles, a sister of the Prime Minister, has worked in theUnion for 37 years, first in the Railway Mission and since 1929in Claremont, a suburb of Cape Town. This article representspart of a lecture on the 30th April with the Dowager CountessBuxton in the Chair. After the discussion, the Union Governmentfilm Towards the Future was shown, giving the obverse side ofthe medal, with schools and amenities greatly in advance ofconditions in comparable areas, like the West Indies.  相似文献   

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The criminalisation of corruption recognises that the misuse of official office for private gain exacts a detrimental and distorting effect on a country's social and economic development. This is especially acute in countries undergoing rapid political system transitions. In an effort to combat corruption, governments have come under increasing pressure to enhance the monitoring and oversight of public institutions through stringent intra and inter-institutional checks. In South Africa, the evidence clearly shows that concrete and incremental steps have been introduced since the country's democratic transition to regulate malfeasance in the public sector through heightened monitoring, prevention, investigation and prosecution measures. Despite these measures, intra and inter-institutional analysis of anti-corruption enforcement indicates that the integrity of this approach, informed by principle-agent accountability arrangements, can be compromised or side-lined by collective action efforts that undermine the effectiveness of anti-corruption mechanisms. This reflects a politicisation of anti-corruption enforcement.  相似文献   

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This paper argues that policies, interventions and discourses pertaining to child prostitution have been guided by overarching political agendas that have masked the underlying structural basis of this phenomenon. These political agendas have shifted in accordance with the locus of power, control and resistance in South Africa since the nineteenth century. On the basis of a historical analysis this paper identifies distinct periods in which child prostitution was used to legitimate policies in favour of social control rather than social development. In the colonial period, child prostitution was used to justify stricter controls on adolescent and adult women's sexuality and movement by colonial and traditional patriarchal authorities. In the colonial and Apartheid periods, policies on child prostitution were informed by fears of miscegenation and sexually transmitted diseases, which were used to support the racist and oppressive legislation of sexual behaviour. In the 1980s and early 1990s, the issue of child prostitution was ‘discovered’ in the press both to deflect attention from the incarceration of juveniles during the 1987 State of Emergency and as the basis upon which liberals attacked the Apartheid state. In the latter half of the 1990s and 2000s, it was used by the African National Congress (ANC) government to attack the moral legacy left by the Apartheid state and in turn deflect responsibility for the root causes of this phenomenon. Furthermore, child prostitution was used to support stricter controls on adult sex workers and on the movement of undocumented migrants. This politicised and sensationalist approach has undermined detailed analysis of the root causes of this phenomenon and children's motivation for engaging in prostitution. For many children in South Africa it has been one means by which they can exercise their agency and power in order to ensure their survival in the face of high levels of socio-economic deprivation and rapid socio-cultural change. This paper therefore proposes a shift from policies and interventions centred on social control to social development, based on an in-depth understanding of children's agency, risk and resilience.  相似文献   

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The objective of this article is to provide a broad frameworkfor situating social movements in post-apartheid South Africa.The discussion begins with a brief review of approaches to thestudy of social movements and then turns to the challenges presentedby globalization. South African democratization coincided withits increasing economic, social and political engagement withthe rest of the world. One of the key effects of this has beenmassive job losses and resultant increases in poverty and inequality.Finally, the article reviews key features of movements in postapartheidSouth Africa. Overwhelmingly, these movements are driven byworsening poverty, with struggles addressing both labour issuesand consumption issues. In addition, some movements confrontquestions of social exclusion in terms of gender, sexualityand citizenship which sit at the intersection of recognitionand redistribution. Given the failure of the post-apartheidparty political system to generate opposition to the left ofthe African National Congress (ANC), social movements providea vital counterbalance to promote the needs of the poor in politicalagendas.  相似文献   

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Existing analyses of South African foreign policy have neglected the geopolitical and legal dimensions of the Antarctic and South Atlantic. Emphasis will be placed on three aspects ‐ South Africa and the Antarctic Treaty System (ATS); the ongoing debates about a South Atlantic security pact in the 1960s and 1970s and the international condemnation of South Africa by the Developing World in the 1980s. The article concludes with a examination of future prospects for the only African country involved in the polar continent.  相似文献   

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