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1.
Charles E. Ziegler 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2006,11(1):1-23
This paper argues that China’s foreign policy behavior has been influenced by growing energy dependence. As a major importer,
China can pursue energy security through strategies that result in conflict; alternatively, energy vulnerability might lead
it toward cooperation with rival oil consuming nations through participation in multilateral organizations and other forums.
After outlining the argument for the strategic nature of energy, China’s increasing energy dependence is assessed, as are
Beijing’s efforts to shift China’s energy balance. China’s energy diplomacy with the Middle East, Russia and Central Asia,
the Asia-Pacific, Africa and Latin America are examined, and Beijing’s efforts toward greater energy security through multilateral
organizations are discussed. The evidence supports the liberal hypothesis that economic interdependence promotes international
cooperation. Energy demands have accelerated China’s rise to global prominence, and appear to moderate conflictual aspects
of Chinese foreign policy.
He is co-editor of and contributor toRussia’s Far East: A Region at Risk (University of Washington Press, 2002), and author ofThe History of Russia (Greenwood, 1999),Foreign Policy and East Asia (Cambridge University Press, 1993), andEnvironmental Policy in the USSR (University of Massachusetts Press, 1987). His articles have appeared inProblems of Post-Communism, Asian Survey, Pacific Affairs, Comparative Politics, Political Science Quarterly, British Journal
of Political Science, and many other journals and edited books. The author would like to thank Igor Danchenko for his able research assistance
on this project. 相似文献
2.
Analysts oddly have neglected the foreign economic implications of China’s harmonious world and harmonious society doctrines.
This article specifies the foreign economic policy effects of both, collectively termed harmonious world plus (HWP). It shows
that HWP implies China’s continued integration into the global economic system, acceptance of the extant international economic
order, and backing for increased cooperation and exchange, provided it is mutually beneficial. It further demonstrates that
HWP implies support for global development, self-reliance, and multilateralism. Beyond this, the study reveals that HWP is
likely to influence China’s interactions with international economic institutions, foreign investors, and its international
resource dealings. Generally speaking, this article shows that China is making progress adhering to most of the tenets of
HWP, though there are some areas for concern. It also reveals that convergences and divergences between HWP and China’s actual
policies are attributable to national interests, China’s limited capabilities, and domestic politics.
Jean-Marc F. Blanchard is associate director of the Center for U.S.-China Policy Studies and associate professor in the Department
of International Relations at San Francisco State University (SFSU). He also is a Board Member of and Research Director for
the Association of Chinese Political Studies. Dr. Blanchard’s research interests include China’s integration into the global
economic system, China’s interactions with multinational corporations, Chinese multinational corporations, Sino-Japanese relations,
and Chinese territorial and maritime issues. He is a co-editor of Harmonious World and China’s New Foreign Policy (Lanham: Lexington Books, 2008), a co-editor of and contributor to Power and the Purse: Economic Statecraft, Interdependence, and National Security (London: Frank Cass, 2000), and the author of 20 book chapters and refereed journal articles. 相似文献
3.
Sheng Ding 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2008,13(2):193-213
This study attempts to answer a new but important question in China’s foreign policy— how Beijing has wielded its soft power
to construct its ideal of international order in the age of China’s rise. Before empirical analyses, this study tries to set
up a conceptual framework on the relations between the idea of “harmonious world” and China’s soft power wielding in its rising
process. Within this framework, this study examines a rising China’s foreign policies towards three targeted regions in the
global south—Africa, East Asia, and Latin America. On the one hand, due to Beijing’s carefully-designed and soft power-based
foreign policies, the global south has become an increasingly harmonious environment for Beijing to cultivate a favorable
national image, exert its political influence on regional affairs, benefit its own domestic economic developments, etc. On
the other hand, some problems such as the so-called “China’s New Colonialism” and the increased vigilance from the other powers
have already began to challenge Beijing’s harmony in those regions.
Sheng Ding is assistant professor of political science at Bloomsburg University. He received both his masters and doctoral
degrees from Rutgers. His research interests include soft power in international relations; transnational identity in globalization;
information technology and world politics; politics in Pacific Asia; Chinese politics and foreign policy; U.S.-China relations,
etc. His research articles have been published by Pacific Affairs, Nationalism and Ethnic Politics and East Asia: An International Quarterly. The author would like to thank the anonymous reviewers for their useful comments on the draft of the paper. 相似文献
4.
Alvin Z. Rubinstein 《Society》1992,29(6):9-14
He is author of Red Star on the Nile; Soviet Foreign Policy Since World War II;and Moscow’s Third World Strategy.He is co-editor of Anti-Americanism in the Third World. 相似文献
5.
The Sino-Japanese-Russian triangle 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Lowell Dittmer 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2005,10(1):1-21
This paper attempts to understand the relations between three important actors in Northeast Asia — China, Russia, and Japan
— since the end of the Cold War. Whereas the political changes attending the collapse of the communist bloc have opened new
foreign policy opportunities to all three actors, only China and Russia have been quick to move on them. Japan’s relative
inflexibility, attributable to its alliance with the US on the one hand and its territorial dispute with Russia on the other,
has had the effect of impeding the application of triangular diplomacy.
Editor ofAsian Survey, has written or editedSino-Soviet Normalization and Its International Implications (1992),China’s Quest for National Identity (with Samuel Kim, 1993), and many other analyses of Chinese domestic and foreign policy. His most recent book (with Haruhiro
Fukui and Peter N.S. Lee) isInformal Politics in East Asia (Cambridge, 2000). 相似文献
6.
Shiping Zheng 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2003,8(1-2):47-63
Using Max Weber’s theory of legitimacy and transition, this article suggests that the biggest challenge for China’s new leadership
is to transform the Communist Party into an institutionalized ruling party. After analyzing the scenarios of democratization,
legitimation, decay, or repression, resulting from the interactions between public contention and the ruling elite, this article
argues that the CCP has accomplished the transition from a revolutionary to a reformist party but is now somewhere between
claiming to “govern for the people” and “hanging on to power.” To become an institutionalized ruling party, the CCP needs
to curtail official corruption and control its membership growth. There are, however, some serious political and personal
limitations that China’s new leaders will have to overcome.
He received his M.A. and Ph.D. in political science from Yale University in 1988 and 1992 respectively. He has been a visiting
scholar at Harvard University, research fellow at the Salzburg Seminar in Austria, and a visiting senior fellow at the East
Asian Institute of the National University of Singapore. His research interests include Chinese political institutions and
leadership changes, theories of international relations, Taiwan-Strait relations, and U.S.-China relations. He is the author
ofParty vs. State in Post-1949 China: The Institutional Dilemma (Cambridge University Press, 1997). The author wishes to thank John Watt, Joshua Forrest and two anonymous reviewers for
their valuable comments on the draft version of this article. 相似文献
7.
Lowell Dittmer 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2005,10(2):21-42
This paper reexamines American policy toward China, Taiwan, and their ambivalent bilateral relationship, focusing on the period
since Washington’s shift from strong (but not unconditional) support of Nationalist China to the role of balancer in the early
1970s, particularly on the most recent period under George W. Bush. We analyze the relationship from a strategic triangular
perspective. The China-Taiwan-US relationship is triangular in the sense that each actor’s relations with the other two depend
on its relations with the third. It is strategic in its focus on security. The United States has been the consistent “pivot”
of this triangle, having better relations with both “wings” than they have with each other. Washington has retained this structurally
advantageous position partly because of its disproportionate strategic weight, and partly because of the inherent difficulties
Taipei and Beijing have had forging a cooperative bilateral relationship. This structure has been quite stable since the Cold
War, as Washington has periodically shifted its balance from one wing to the other without altering the triangle’s basic configuration.
Yet so long as the configuration is maintained, the basic problem on which the triangle is based — the contested independence
of Taiwan — cannot be resolved. This creates a sense of national identity frustration that will continue to generate attempts
at resolution, either by Taiwan’s declaration of independence or China’s forced reunification (or both).
editor ofAsian Survey, has written or editedSino-Soviet Normalization and Its International Implications (1992),China’s Quest for National Identity (with Samuel Kim, 1993), and many other analyses of Chinese domestic and foreign policy. His most recent book (with Haruhiro
Fukui and Peter N.S. Lee) isInformal Politics in East Asia (Cambridge, 2000). 相似文献
8.
Although the government and society of the Republic of China’s (ROC or Taiwan) have changed markedly in the new millennium,
the fundamentals of US policy toward the island remain intact. This study outlines recent developments in Taiwan and shows
how they represent challenges to the US. It also discusses American policy toward Taiwan and examines several proposals for
change that an American administration may wish to consider. In conclusion, the paper explains why the current policy, albeit
contradictory and ambiguous, is in the best interest of the United States. There is a strong possibility that any major change
in policy would succeed only in undermining peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region.
Dennis V. Hickey is Professor of Political Science and Director of the Graduate Program in International Affairs at Missouri
State University. His most recent book, Foreign Policy Making in Taiwan: From Principle to Pragmatism, was published by Routledge Publishers (London) in 2006. 相似文献
9.
Mary Comerford Cooper 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2008,13(1):53-78
China’s distinctive set of stock market institutions was introduced in 1990. Among the characteristics of China’s stock markets
was a strict separation between different categories of investors. Listed companies issued different categories of shares
to state shareholders, domestic corporate investors, domestic individual investors, and foreign investors. By 2005, the barriers
segmenting China’s stock market had been significantly relaxed. Domestic investors were allowed to purchase shares previously
reserved for foreign investors, and approved foreign investors were allowed to purchase shares previously earmarked for domestic
individuals. Nevertheless, a crucial barrier remained. An ongoing debate among Chinese academics, investors, and policy makers
focused on how to resolve the “split share structure” (guquan fen zhi) in which a minority of shares were tradable while the
majority of shares (namely those reserved for domestic corporate and state shareholders) were excluded from the market. The
split share structure was blamed for distorting prices and inhibiting development of the stock market. This paper analyzes
the policy adopted to address the split share structure. To what extent does this policy change reflect new thinking on the
part of China’s market regulators? This paper argues that analysis of policy making in China’s capital markets can help to
distinguish between two competing assessments of China’s political economy. One account sees China pursuing a gradualist strategy,
slowly but steadily expanding the role of markets. Another account sees China trapped in a semi-marketized and increasingly
corrupt development pattern. The implementation of the split share structure reform program provides evidence to support the
gradualist account of incremental, but persistent, reform.
Mary Comerford Cooper is an assistant professor in political science at the Ohio State University. Her recent research focuses
on the politics of financial markets in China and Taiwan. Earlier versions of this paper were presented at the Comparative
Politics Research Workshop/ Globalization, Institutions and Economic Security Workshop at Ohio State University in May 2007,
and at the annual meeting of the Association for Chinese Political Studies in July 2007. I benefited greatly from the constructive
and insightful comments of Bj?rn Alpermann, Melanie Barr, Jean-Marc Blanchard, Sarah Brooks, Joseph Fewsmith, Sujian Guo,
Dane Imerman, Ryan Kennedy, Marcus Kurtz, Xiaoyu Pu, James Reilly, Alex Thompson, Daniel Verdier, Jianwei Wang, Alan Wiseman,
Bin Yu, and an anonymous reviewer. I am also grateful for Lan Hu’s exceptional research assistance. All remaining flaws are
purely my own. 相似文献
10.
China’s Harmonious World: Beyond Cultural Interpretations 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
A culture “specter” is haunting the ongoing discourse regarding China’s declared policy of “peaceful rise” for a “harmonious
world.” While some Western scholars “cherry-pick” “evidence” of China’s aggressiveness from Confucius legacies, the same cultural
heritage is heavily tapped by many Chinese scholars to interpret the current policy of striving for internal and external
harmony. Both seem to ignore, though to different degrees, the historically specific political environment, within which the
cultural elements function and interact with other socio-political variables. China’s current pursuit of harmony is possible
and desirable only at a time when China is able to achieve sustained sociopolitical stability (30 years) in the past 160 years
and after its protracted encounter and experiment with Western liberalism, Marxism and capitalism. Although it has not explicitly
rejected any of these Western ideologies, China has tested the limits of all of them—hence China’s search for its own identity
and policy alternatives at the onset of the new millennium. It is toward a more historical and holistic explanation that this
paper constructs the political space and historical trajectory of China’s search for modernity and for itself in the past
two centuries and into the future.
Yu Bin is Professor of Political Science and Director of East Asian Studies at Wittenberg University, Ohio, USA; Senior Fellow
at Shanghai Institute of American Studies; analyst on Russian-China relations for Pacific Forum (CSIS) in Honolulu, Hawaii;
and former president of Association of Chinese Political Studies (1992-94). Yu is the author and co-author of several books
including the most recent ones: The Government of China (Stockton, NJ.: OTTN Publishing, 2006); Power of the moment: America and the world after 9-11 [Shunjian de Liliang: 9-11 Hou de Meiguo Yu Shijie] (Beijing: Xinhua Chubanshe, 2002); and Mao’s Generals Remember Korean (The University Press of Kansas, 2001). He has published more than 60 articles in journals including World Politics, Strategic Review, Asian Survey, International Politics Quarterly (Beijing), The China and Eurasian Forum Quarterly, International Journal of Korean Studies, Harvard International Review, Comparative Connections, etc. 相似文献
11.
Murray Weidenbaum 《Society》1989,26(3):25-28
where he is Mallinckrodt Distinguished University Professor. He was Ronald Reagan’s first chairman of the Council of Economic
Advisers. He is author of the recently published Rendezvous with Reality: The American Economy After Reagan,and coauthor of Public Policy toward Corporate Takeovers. 相似文献
12.
He is the author of Importing Foreign Workers: A Comparison of German and American Policy. 相似文献
13.
Although territorial disputes have been much studied, the application of “two-level game” analysis in peace research and conflict
resolution is still relatively unexplored. In this essay, I seek to use the analytical propositions derived from this “two-level
game” bargaining framework to explain the success, failure, or partial resolution of sovereignty negotiations over China’s
island claims to the disputed islands of the Diaoyu/Senkaku, Amur/Ussuri rivers, and South China Sea. This essay will focus
on the interaction between governments and domestic nationalist groups, the role of institutions, and the strategies of negotiators
to explain the development of the territorial disputes. I will evaluate how different political and social preferences, historical
memories, economic priorities, side payments, and institutional constraints affect inter-state bargaining behavior and relations
between the government and different segments of society. Basically, I am interested in finding out what significant roles
national, sub-national and transnational actors can and do play in aggravating, minimizing, terminating or preventing conflicts
over island claims involving China.
Dr. Chien-peng Chung is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Politics and Sociology of Lingnan University, Hong Kong.
He is the author of Domestic Politics, International Bargaining, and China’s Territorial Disputes (London & New York: Routledge, 2004). 相似文献
14.
He is author of Lethal Politics: Soviet Genocide and Mass Murder Since 1917; China’s Bloody Century: Genocide and Mass Murder Since 1990;
Democide: Nazi Genocide and Mass Murder,all published by Transaction. 相似文献
15.
Michael S. Kimmel 《Society》1993,30(6):28-35
He is author of Manhood: The American Quest;and co-author of (with Michael Messner) Men’s Lives;and editor of Men Confront Pornography; Against the Tide: Pro-Feminist Men in the United States, 1776–1990;and Changing Men: New Directions in Research on Men and Masculinity. 相似文献
16.
Sustainable development has become a significant consideration in economic development and environment policy in China. Because
of its size, China’s sustainable development has global implications. The issue is further complicated by China’s growing
regional differences. Excessive regional disparties are obviously harmful to the interests of the less developed regions.
They are even more unpalatable in this socialist country which takes pride in reducing inequalities. Serious regional disparities
will bring along social and political instability, and may even generate demands for regional autonomy. This article first
attempts to analyze regional development in China in the context of sustainable development; and to examine the inter-relationships
among poverty relief, population growth, environment protection, natural endowment and regional differences in China. The
Chinese leadership in recent years has shown considerable commitment to accelerate the development of the central and western
regions to reduce regional disparities. Before 2010, however, the Chinese leadership can only aim to slow down the expansion
of regional disparities.
The authors would like to express their gratitude for a generous grant from the Pacific Cultural Foundation in Taiwan in support
of this research project.
He is also a vice-president of the Senior Professors’ Association of China. 相似文献
17.
The authors develop a new multi-level streams model in order to explain the Chinese decision-making process with regards to
the top-down allocation of resources and administrative reforms. Using this policy model, the 2005 decision to upgrade the
Tianjin Binhai New Area (TBNA) to the national level can be regarded as a relatively rational choice with a series of interaction
of political processes among the elites at the central and local levels such as the local officials and social elites, and
central leaders. However, in the administrative system of economic development, there are disagreements and conflicts among
different parts within and outside the TBNA. The central and the Tianjin governments are now trying to coordinate the relationship
among local governments within the Circum-Bohai Region and within the TBNA through structural reform and personnel reshuffling.
Xufeng Zhu is an associate professor at the Zhou Enlai School of Government, Nankai University, and a Yenching Visiting Scholar at the Harvard Yenching Institute, Harvard University. His current research interests involve the study of the Chinese policy process, China’s think tanks, policy analyses, and social stratification in transitional China. His recent publications appear in Social Sciences in China (in Chinese), Policy Sciences, Public Administration and Development, and Asian Survey, to name a few. He is also the author of a forthcoming book entitled China’s Think Tanks: The Research on Their Influences in the Policy Process (in Chinese). Bing Sun is an assistant professor at the Zhou Enlai School of Government, Nankai University. His current research interests involve the study of China urban and regional public administration. His recent publication is Regional Coordination Organization and Regional Governance (in Chinese). 相似文献
Xufeng ZhuEmail: |
Xufeng Zhu is an associate professor at the Zhou Enlai School of Government, Nankai University, and a Yenching Visiting Scholar at the Harvard Yenching Institute, Harvard University. His current research interests involve the study of the Chinese policy process, China’s think tanks, policy analyses, and social stratification in transitional China. His recent publications appear in Social Sciences in China (in Chinese), Policy Sciences, Public Administration and Development, and Asian Survey, to name a few. He is also the author of a forthcoming book entitled China’s Think Tanks: The Research on Their Influences in the Policy Process (in Chinese). Bing Sun is an assistant professor at the Zhou Enlai School of Government, Nankai University. His current research interests involve the study of China urban and regional public administration. His recent publication is Regional Coordination Organization and Regional Governance (in Chinese). 相似文献
18.
Michael Sherraden 《Society》1991,29(1):64-72
He is author of Assets and the Poor: A New American Welfare Policy. 相似文献
19.
China’s policy of reform and opening has led to extraordinary economic and societal changes during the past 30 years. One
aspect of this progressive, incremental change has been the remarkable development of democracy—both at the grassroots level
and within the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The CCP, recognizing that political reforms must accompany economic reforms,
began to pursue a distinctively Chinese path to political reform and modernization—a socialist democracy with Chinese characteristics. Inspired by leadership from
Deng Xiaoping to Hu Jintao, Chinese citizens living in the countryside and townships have held competitive elections for local
leadership for over a decade. This paper posits that the rise and institutionalization of competitive, popular local elections
is indicative of how the CCP, in fostering a Harmonious Socialist Society, has created a viable, Confucian, and uniquely Chinese
alternative to Western liberal democracy in local governance. 相似文献
20.
Shaohua Hu 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2006,11(2):83-103
An armed conflict between Taiwan and China is not unthinkable in the future. For historical, geographical, economic, and diplomatic
reasons, Japan would not be able to stand on the sidelines. Relying on three major concepts—national interests, path dependence
and balance of power, this paper explores Japan’s three possible roles in the event of a cross-Strait conflict. First, Japan
could pass the buck, staying out of the conflict as much as possible and providing at most logistical and intelligence support
for an American military operation. Second, it could balance power, throwing its weight behind Washington against Beijing.
Finally, it could play peacemaker. At the end of the article, the author discusses several key factors that would shape Tokyo’s
decision-making in the event of a cross-Strait conflict and assesses the relative probability of each option.
He is the author ofExplaining Chinese Democratization (Praeger, 2000). His recent research interests include Chinese pacifism and China’s historical place in the world. For their
comments, the author would like to thank anonymous reviewers, Natalie Edwards, Mei Guan, Sujian Guo, James Hsiung, Wade Hudson,
Erica Johnson, Chien Liu, Andrew Needle, Anne Schotter, Steve Snow, Liang Tang, Wallace Thies, Yong Wang, and Kim Worthy. 相似文献