冷战后美国的东南亚战略与美国—印尼关系

冷战以后,美国一印尼关系的发展经历了令人瞩目的反反复复.其原因非常复杂,但不可忽视的一个重要因素是美国的东南亚战略①.冷战结束初期,由于美国在东南亚地区实行"选择性介入"的战略,美国一印尼经贸关系发展迅速,相互依存不断加深,双边政治关系则相对平稳;亚洲金融危机后,美国在东南亚开始践行其"民主扩展"战略,致使美国一印尼双边政治关系"荆棘丛生",而经济关系则"陷入低迷";2001年"9·11"事件后,美国在东南亚地区开始积极构建"反恐联盟",使得两国政治关系再度"升温",双边经贸关系趋于"回暖".     

论思维方式对冷战后中美对外战略的影响

思维方式是文化心理学的一个重要研究领域,它决定着人们看待事物时的方式与角度.作为东西方文化的代表,中国人以辨证、整体、崇古等思维倾向为主要特征,美国人则以逻辑、分析、崇前等思维倾向为主要特征.这两种不同的思维方式必然会对冷战后中美对外战略的运作产生微妙影响.通过这样的分析,可以使我们从更深层次理解冷战后中美两国的对外战略.同时,也可以使我们进一步探究思维方式所产生的这种影响对当代中国外交的意义之所在.     

Rethinking Kurdish geopolitical space: the politics of image,insecurity and gender

Global publics and local actors are increasingly saturated with variegated still and moving images. The important role played by images in world politics, however, remains understudied in the International Relations (IR) discipline. This article argues that the Kurdish geopolitical space is increasingly tied to a new regional and global imagination, which emanates from verbal–visual meaning-making strategies such as narrative reconstructions and pictorial representations (for example illustrations, pictograms, or photographs). The article’s investigation illustrates how the construction of new Kurdish geopolitical imagination became increasingly regionalized and internationalized during the war against the so-called Islamic State (IS), particularly after the Kobane siege in Syria in late 2014. It shows how the war between the Syrian Kurdish forces and the IS involved gendered and aesthetic signification for the global and regional audiences. Such strategies of meaning-making served as vital venues for gendering and making the threat of the IS and its “distant war” proximate, familiar and urgent for otherwise disinterested western audiences. These verbal–visual strategies vitally acted as a transmission belt between individual, state and systemic levels, turning the struggle against the IS into a globalized cultural-symbolic war. The article employs critical visual semiotics and critical discourse analysis to investigate the regional and global politics of image and offers three empirical cases to illustrate its argument: the narratives of the Kobane siege; the cartoon depicting a “Kurdish homeland” and globally circulated Kurdish female fighter photographs.     

The primacy of political security: contentious politics and insecurity in the Tunisian revolution

The removal of Ben Ali's regime in Tunisia signalled the start of the Arab Spring. The abrupt nature of the regime change raises questions about why it happened in the way it did. This article examines the contextual factors that precipitated the regime change through the lens of political security. The aim is to examine how political insecurity in society led to the emergence of opposition sufficiently organized to unseat Ben Ali. The paper develops a framework to consider how the loss of legitimacy by the regime opened the space for opposition. Attempts to restrict opposition failed to address underlying claims, leaving the way open for the opposition to unite following the self-immolation of Mohammed Bouazizi.     

Populism,ontological insecurity and Hindutva: Modi and the masculinization of Indian politics

Abstract

In an era increasingly defined by insecurity and populist politics, India has emerged as a forceful ontological security provider under the leadership of Marendra Modi. If ontological security is about finding a safe (imagined) haven, then ontological insecurity is about the lack of such a space in narrative terms. Drawing on Lacanian understandings of ‘the imaginary’ as something that can fill and naturalize this lack of space, the article is concerned with how memories, places and symbols of narrative identity constructions are used in populist discourse. More specifically, it attempts to understand the relationship between ontological insecurity and the imaginaries of populist politics in India. In so doing, it argues that the re-invention of ‘nationhood’, ‘religion’ and ‘Hindu masculinity’ along gendered lines has created a foundation for governing practices aimed at ‘healing’ a number of ontological insecurities manifest in Indian society. It specifically looks at how the Modi doctrine has formulated and expanded its foreign policy discourse into one that privileges populist narratives of nativism, nationalism and religion as forms of ontological security provision at home and abroad, but also how everyday practices can challenge such narratives, thus allowing different imaginaries of the Indian state.     

Surpassing the Cold War Mentality

Five years have passed since September 11. What has been the influence of these events on international relations? What has changed in the world since then? The majority of scholars hold that the September 11 terrorist attacks were essentially a key event, a "turning point" in the international strategy transformation after the Cold War.Yet some others believe that the September 11 terrorist attacks cannot have had so profound an impact on international relations. For example, in America's Foreign Policy, most articles commemorating the fifth anniversary of September 11 fall into the second category. These articles suggest that, five years after September 11, security issues have not slowed down the pace of globalization; potential strategic competition among the big powers has not been weakened due to their cooperation in counter-terrorism and international terrorist organizations, represented by Al Qaeda, still exist. Meanwhile, many proturning-point scholars think that, after September 11, terrorism has become the main threat to international security and that the strategic focuses of major powers have also undergone a big adjustment, valuing cooperation over competition. There is even a saying that "the central content of international relations is to meet challenges from the non-state actors represented by terrorism."     

Reflections on the Cold War: A comment

For mutually reinforcing cultural reasons, the study of international history at American universities has declined. Nevertheless, opportunities for multinational research on the Cold War are greater than ever. Much innovative work takes place abroad or outside conventional history departments. This article appraises the contributions of three leading scholars in the field. It adumbrates the failure of the Roosevelt administration to formulate a coherent policy for postwar Germany and emphasizes the fitful process through which the Truman team despaired of accommodation with the USSR. It intimates that Marc Trachtenberg's elegant structural analysis may make that process seem clearer than the truth, and underscores the findings of Klaus Schwabe and Georges Soutou, who show that Europeans had their own concerns and did not view the Cold War through the optic of the bilateral Russian-American relationship.     

冷战与越战的起源

冷战 ,指的是二次世界大战结束以后形成的各自以苏联和美国为首的东西方两大政治、军事集团之间的紧张斗争和较量。这种斗争的形式既是和平的也是非和平的。苏联和美国是冷战的主角 ,它们之间的关系构成了东西方冷战的核心内容 ①。一般把1947年美国“杜鲁门主义”的出台作为冷战开始的标志 ,把1991年苏联的解体作为冷战结束的标志 ,持续时间长达44年之久。越南战争是指二战后美国在越南进行的干涉和战争。关于越战的起始时间 ,学术界说法不一 ,笔者以1961年肯尼迪发动特种战争为标志②。越战的起源与冷战有着密切的联系。一、20世纪50年代…     

Making a Cold War in the Near East: Turkey and the Origins of the Cold War, 1945-1947

During the post-war negotiations in the years of 1945 and 1946, the Soviets launched a bitter war of nerves against Turkey in order to establish a military base in Istanbul and share control of the Straits. It was crucial for Britain that the USSR be prevented from gaining any influence in Turkey. However, as Britain was in no position to support Turkey financially, American authorities encouraged by London and Ankara took over the responsibility for Turkey. This articles examines the Great Powers rivalry over Turkey and Turkey's response to it. It argues that regional factors other than US-Soviet confrontation, such as Turkey's security search against the Soviets, also played a crucial part in starting the Cold War in the Near East.     

Food riots as representations of insecurity: examining the relationship between contentious politics and human security

The 2007–08 global food crisis saw the eruption of a wave of contentious action across the developing world, represented most clearly by the food riot. Food riots are sudden, unexpected events, presenting a challenge to the state that moves beyond simple demands for food. The upheaval caused by a food riot can lead to lasting instability and violence as social and political structures are challenged. The aims of the article are to: (1) identify the character of contemporary food riots in relation to traditional forms; (2) determine the extent to which food riots can be seen to represent broader human insecurity; and (3) demonstrate the utility of contentious actions in demonstrating insecurity. This article examines the causes of the 2007–08 wave of food riots in relation to earlier manifestations. The findings show that the contemporary food riots have similar origins to their historical counterparts. The article also shows that food riots are a clear sign of insecurity, demonstrating the benefit of examining contentious politics in this context.     

冷战时期的土美关系

二战结束后，苏联的威胁、美国的拉拢和对援助的需求使土耳其向美国接近。在对抗苏联这一共同目标下，土耳其和美国最终在1952年结成战略同盟关系。随着国际和国内形势的变化，土美关系中的矛盾日益显现，1975～1978年美国对土耳其实行武器禁运是两国关系的最低点。解除武器禁运后，土美关系趋于缓和，但土耳其更加注意维护本国和民族的利益，而决不再唯美国马首是瞻。     

冷战后的越美关系

冷战后,经过艰难的谈判,越南与美国实现了关系正常化,之后两国关系快速发展。本文着重分析了在两国关系快速发展背后各自的战略意图及其对东亚格局的影响,并对越美关系发展的前景进行了展望。     

Exception in Cold War

In the Cold War, India mainly focused its Southeast Asia Strategy on preserving the regional peace and stability, fearing that changes in Southeast Asia would impact India. Generally speaking, India would like to see a relatively strong, stable and independent Southeast Asia, which would guarantee the stability of its east wing. However, fettered by its limited power, its non-alignment policy and its special relation with Soviet Union, India‘s policy toward Southeast Asia remained relatively passive and its relation with Southeast Asia was, to some extent, trapped in a historical “intermission.“……