卡托维兹一揽子计划:美国之后的气候安排、法律挑战与中国应对

卡托维兹一揽子计划是特朗普宣布美国将退出气候变化《巴黎协定》之后,国际社会出台的第一份关键性气候安排。该计划包括了多个重要议定成果,但最为关键的仍是,其正式出台了《巴黎协定》实施细则。这意味着全球应对气候变化正式开启了《巴黎协定》法律规制的全面适用,但同时也意味着包括中国在内的缔约方将面临新的法律挑战。为此,须高度重视《巴黎协定》及其实施细则可能产生的不利影响,在维护国家核心利益的基础上,进一步推动全球应对气候变化的法治化建设。     

《巴黎协定》下东北亚地区应对气候变化的挑战与合作

2015年12月12日,《联合国气候变化框架公约》近200个缔约方在巴黎气候大会上通过的《巴黎协定》标志着全球气候治理的进入新阶段,并确立了全球气候治理新秩序。协定聚焦了基本原则、三项长期目标、"自主贡献+盘点"以及法律约束力等主要问题,充分体现全球治理模式中合作共赢、公平正义、共同发展的三大特征。东北亚是东亚最具经济活力的地区,同时也面临严峻大气问题,在《巴黎协定》框架下东北亚各国应对全球气候变化的战略选择各有侧重,并将按照协定的要求,通过确立基本原则及共同目标、构建区域合作治理的多元主体、完善合作治理机制、开拓合作渠道,促进区域大气治理效果的实质性提升。     

巴西低碳城市发展实践及对我国的启示CSSCI

《巴黎协定》的开放签署标志着全球新一轮减排行动的开始,如何做好国内温室气体减排,继续推动气候变化国际合作,事关中国能否树立起全球负责任的大国形象。在中国城镇化和工业化加速发展时期,城市已经成为碳排放的重要来源地,如何借助低碳城市建设助推国家减排目标的实现已成为我国经济发展中迫在眉睫的课题。作为"金砖国家"之一的巴西是低碳实践的先行者,早在1992年联合国环境发展会议上,就已对采取应对气候变化的行动做出了承诺。目前,巴西已通过完善环境立法、加快产业转型、发展新能源、实现交通低碳化等措施有效地推动了低碳城市建设,走出了一条"巴西模式"的低碳之路。地处巴西南部具有"世界生态之都"美誉的库里蒂巴市通过大力发展公交系统、倡导低碳生活等措施在低碳城市发展方面取得了显著成效。基于此,本文以巴西及其典型城市——库里蒂巴为例,深入剖析其低碳城市实践经验,以期为我国推进低碳城市建设提供有益借鉴,最终为如何平衡我国生态与发展之间的关系提供思路。     

巴西低碳城市发展实践及对我国的启示

《巴黎协定》的开放签署标志着全球新一轮减排行动的开始,如何做好国内温室气体减排,继续推动气候变化国际合作,事关中国能否树立起全球负责任的大国形象。在中国城镇化和工业化加速发展时期,城市已经成为碳排放的重要来源地,如何借助低碳城市建设助推国家减排目标的实现已成为我国经济发展中迫在眉睫的课题。作为"金砖国家"之一的巴西是低碳实践的先行者,早在1992年联合国环境发展会议上,就已对采取应对气候变化的行动做出了承诺。目前,巴西已通过完善环境立法、加快产业转型、发展新能源、实现交通低碳化等措施有效地推动了低碳城市建设,走出了一条"巴西模式"的低碳之路。地处巴西南部具有"世界生态之都"美誉的库里蒂巴市通过大力发展公交系统、倡导低碳生活等措施在低碳城市发展方面取得了显著成效。基于此,本文以巴西及其典型城市——库里蒂巴为例,深入剖析其低碳城市实践经验,以期为我国推进低碳城市建设提供有益借鉴,最终为如何平衡我国生态与发展之间的关系提供思路。     

全球气候治理的“行动转向”与中国的战略选择

2018年卡托维兹气候会议和2019年马德里气候会议大体上完成了《巴黎协定》实施细则谈判,标志着全球气候治理迎来了一个不同以往的"行动转向",转向全面执行法律制度的行动阶段。这是全球气候治理30多年"法制化"演进的历史性成果。人们对全球气候变化科学认知的不断普及和深入、全球气候变化治理紧迫性的不断增强以及非国家行为体的积极驱动等因素共同推动了这种"行动转向"。这种"行动转向"在全球层面上意味着《联合国气候变化框架公约》缔约方会议等机构的职责、功能与角色将随之变化,主要是要发挥好贯彻、监督、政治动员、搜集处理和公布各种信息等功能,同时还要把《联合国气候变化框架公约》缔约方会议转变成全球气候治理行动的发动机和总动员处;在国家层面上意味着各国的核心任务和行动也要随之改变,主要是要切实履行好《巴黎协定》实施细则下的各项职责与义务,同心协力地推动全球气候治理(低碳发展)的"转型点"早日到来。面对全球气候治理的"行动转向",中国要以推动构建人类命运共同体理念为指导,持续推进《巴黎协定》实施细则的落实,在立足国内的前提下,以共建绿色"一带一路"为实践平台,以建设全球生态文明为宗旨,通过在全球气候治理中积极发挥负责任大国的作用,统筹协调好全球层面、地区层面和国家层面的气候治理行动,积极构建全球气候命运共同体、地区气候命运共同体和国家气候命运共同体,并努力实现三者之间的良性互动。     

落实《巴黎协定》：制约与超越

《巴黎协定》是国际气候合作进程中具有里程碑意义的重大成果,是2020年后全球应对气候变化行动的纲领性文件。在主要缔约方的共同努力下,《巴黎协定》达成一年内即正式生效,转入执行阶段。但因该协定本身法律约束力较弱,加之国际政治、经济形势转变恶化了履约环境,其落实进程势将面临重重挑战。长远看,减缓和适应气候变化,走可持续发展道路趋势不可逆转,《巴黎协定》中的原则、规定、理念等具有深远政治、经济意义,将影响各国气候、能源、环境等政策取向,塑造出新的全球气候治理模式。     

落实:制约与超越

《巴黎协定》是国际气候合作进程中具有里程碑意义的重大成果,是2020年后全球应对气候变化行动的纲领性文件。在主要缔约方的共同努力下,《巴黎协定》达成一年内即正式生效,转入执行阶段。但因该协定本身法律约束力较弱,加之国际政治、经济形势转变恶化了履约环境,其落实进程势将面临重重挑战。长远看,减缓和适应气候变化,走可持续发展道路趋势不可逆转,《巴黎协定》中的原则、规定、理念等具有深远政治、经济意义,将影响各国气候、能源、环境等政策取向,塑造出新的全球气候治理模式。     

《巴黎协定》后的全球低碳“马拉松”进程

历经四年谈判,2015年底的气候大会最终通过了决定未来全球气候变化治理格局的《巴黎协定》。然而,气候变化科学本身具有的特殊性、人类现代化进程的异步性、能源结构转型的长期性,以及各国应对气候变化行动的差异性,都决定了全球应对气候变化行动不是百米赛跑,而是场马拉松。《巴黎协定》提出的"自主贡献+盘点"的模式已为"马拉松"的基本原则定调,未来对协定的落实和细化也应充分尊重各国国情和能力,通过国际社会的合作让各国尽快步入低碳化进程,而不仅是限制大国排放。对中国而言,以较低的累积排放量尽早达峰,既是完成本国中长期发展规划目标的客观要求,也是为更好地参与和引领全球低碳"马拉松"进程打下基础。     

《巴黎协定》评析

法国巴黎当地时间2015年12月12日,《联合国气候变化框架公约》(简称《公约》)第21次缔约方会议(即巴黎气候变化大会)经过两周艰苦谈判,最终达成一份全面、均衡、有力的《巴黎协定》,为2020年后全球应对气候变化制定出行动框架.自20世纪90年代以来,国际气候谈判已走过20多个年头,成为全球多边治理中最重要的领域.本文拟系统梳理气候谈判所走过的历程,以及巴黎气候谈判进展,并展望未来气候谈判问题走向.     

世界大事综览

2014年12月世界大事综述如下:一、联合国气候变化大会在利马举行。1日,联合国气候变化框架公约第20次缔约方大会(COP20)在秘鲁利马召开。通过艰苦的加时谈判,14日各方达成了一份相对平衡的协议草案,将作为国际气候公约于2015年在巴黎签署,并于2020年开始生效。该草案进一步明确并强化了2015年协议将遵循"共同但有区别的责任"原则,初步明确了各方2020年后应对气候变化"国家自主决定的贡献目标",为2015年巴黎会议前各方尽早提出各自     

Population, Prophets, Pensions, and Politics

As immigrant populations in Western welfare states grow at a faster rate than the native populations, whose birthrates have declined dramatically in recent years, Europe's tradition of democracy and tolerance is threatened. The reasons for the birthrate decline and the resultant aging of the native population are many and complex, but one important contributing factor is the pay-as-you-go pension system, which reduces people's immediate dependence on children. Moreover, the payroll and social security taxes that support the welfare state reduce the earnings capacity of men and women of the traditional age for having children, thus pushing down the birthrate. It is time to consider whether modern Europe's small-size families and high pensions are sustainable     

Terrorism,counter-terrorism,and critique: opportunities,examples, and implications

This article explores the parameters, value and limitations of different critical strategies for those dissatisfied with the contemporary politics of terror. It argues, first, that the prominent (counter-)terrorism paradigm – in which terrorism is approached as a ubiquitous and very specific security challenge meriting appropriately exceptional responses – is far more critiqued than we might anticipate. And, second, that such critiques – which can be found across political language, popular culture, everyday life, and beyond – employ distinct critical resources to serve varying ends. Reflecting on these, the article offers a new heuristic distinguishing five critical strategies which seek to: (i) repudiate; (ii) question; (iii) subvert; (iv) replace, or (v) deconstruct the prominent counter-terrorism paradigm. This typology, it argues, offers scope for optimism and strategic resources for those attracted to a critical terrorism studies project going forward.     

Norway,Spitsbergen, and America, 1905-1920

In the Spitsbergen treaty of 1920, Norway acquired sovereignty over the Spitsbergen Islands. Rather than Woodrow Wilson, the American president, the architects behind the treaty were Robert Lansing, Wilson’s secretary of state, and, behind the diplomatic scene, the mining investor, John M. Longyear. In 1906, Longyear established a mining company to exploit the coal deposits at Spitsbergen. He induced Congress, the State Department, and the White House to forge an American policy for the European Arctic, including the appointment of Lansing, an international lawyer, as a counsel in the State Department. Lansing was a leading expert on both international law and the lack of state authority at the terra nullius, Spitsbergen. In 1915, he became secretary of State and, at the Paris Peace Conference, decided American policy regarding the Spitsbergen question. This analysis shows how the outcome of the Spitsbergen question was a result of American mining interests, supplemented by Norwegian-American shared interests in conflict resolution based on international law.     

Pakistan,India, China,and the United States: Energy,Climate Change,and National Security

This article focuses on the interplay of energy, climate change, and national security issues in Southwest Asia, using the newer definition of “national security” to include energy security, economic development, and climate change, as well as traditional security focusing on the military aspects.     

Indigeneity,Ethnicity, and the State: Australia,Fiji, and New Zealand

This article draws on the politics of indigeneity to distinguish the claims of first occupancy from simple ethnic identity politics, illustrating that relative political marginalization in Australasia is not so much a function of minority status but of indigeneity itself. The politics of indigeneity's aim is to create political space for self-determination and a particular indigenous share in the sovereign authority of the nation-state itself. The Australasian states are compared with Fiji to demonstrate that the significance of historical constraints on political authority transcend the withdrawal of a colonial power and the restoration of collective indigenous majority population status.     

International relations in Malaysia: theories, history, memory, perception, and context

The article makes a preliminary survey of the teaching of internationalrelations (IR) in Malaysia. It starts by describing the originsof the field, and the emergence of an IR epistemic communityjoining both academia and government. This account is necessarilyderived from the experiences of the four most established Malaysianuniversities distinguished by length of existence and officialfavor. Subsequently, the survey would describe course contentand influences going into their design. The penultimate sectionswould attempt to place the evolution of Malaysian IR teachingwithin a historical context. This survey nonetheless concludesthat nationalist aspirations continue to remain a secondaryinfluence when compared with intellectual dependence upon theWest in the design of IR education in Malaysia. Received for publication August 28, 2008. Accepted for publication October 2, 2008.     

Culture,liberation, and 'development'

Most of the socio-economic changes taking place in Africa and much of the South are externally driven. External agencies, often in league with the State, by-pass working people and do not involve them in the decision-making processes. Their economic approaches ignore people's cultures and their world view. This denies working people a creative capacity to adapt new techniques and knowledge to their own concrete reality. This article argues for the importance of the historical frame of reference and for the centrality of culture in socio-economic processes. The author argues against approaches which are not culturally familiar to working people.     

The roles of,and relationships between,expatriates, volunteers,and local development workers

This article reports on exploratory research based on interviews with expatriate and local aid workers employed by local and international NGOs in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. Thematic analysis of the interviews found that personnel were placed in groups based on their job category – consultant, volunteer, or permanent staff – regardless of experience. These categories logically reflect each worker's pay level, purpose, and role, but they may also have an implicit power meaning which reinforces group differences and inhibits inter-group relationships. Relationship building was reported to be the most important factor contributing to the success of capacity-development initiatives. Four sub-themes were identified: communication, friendship, reciprocal learning/teaching, and confidence.     

Britain,France, and America's Year of Europe, 1973

Britain's entry into the European Community in 1973 coincided with an American initiative aimed at redefining relations between the United States and Western Europe. This confronted British diplomats with a serious dilemma. They wished to maintain close collaboration with Washington and, for the sake of European unity, to expand on their recently achieved reconciliation with France, a country whose Gaullist elite rejected any further institutionalization of transatlantic relations. French reluctance to engage in a constructive dialogue with the Americans resulted in a fractious debate over the drafting of two seemingly innocuous declarations, and this was exacerbated by the mixed response of the Europeans to the outbreak of the fourth Arab–Israeli war and the ensuing energy crisis. Finally, at the Washington energy conference of February 1974, the British chose to work with the Americans, rather than the French, in seeking to mitigate the economic impact of OPEC's oil policies.