ERRATA

The Editors regret that the following mistakes occurred in thetext of the article ‘The Great West African Drought, 1972–74’,by Jonathan Derrick, which appeared in the October 1977 numberof the journal. The main reason for these mistakes was a breakdownin communications between the editors and the author, whilethe article was being processed for publication. P. 540—line 36: The word ‘population’ shouldbe inserted after ‘West-Indian style’. P. 543—line 33: ‘1969–70’ should read‘1970–71’. P. 544—line 34: ‘Ivory Coast’ should read‘Upper Volta’. P. 546, Table: The Maiduguri figures are incorrect and shouldbe ignored (The author apologizes to the source of the statisticsfor this misquotation). P. 548—line 12: ‘eruption’ should read ‘irruption’. P. 564—note 69 refers to the sentence ‘In fact ...for tax’, not to the preceding sentence. P. 569—note 87: ‘Protection’ should be ‘Production’. P. 571—note 94 should be deleted. P. 582—line 34: ‘affected’ should be ‘effective’.      

Under the gaze of the 'big nations': Refugees, rumours and the international community in Tanzania

In most academic literature refugees are portrayed either asthose who lack what national citizens have or as a threat tothe national order of things. This article explores the effectsof being excluded in such a way, and argues that Burundian refugeesin a camp in northwest Tanzania find themselves in an ambiguousposition, being excluded from the national order of things —secluded in the Tanzanian bush — while simultaneouslybeing subject to state-of-the-art humanitarian interventions— apparently bringing them closer to the internationalcommunity. The article explores the ways in which refugees in the camprelate to the international community. Ambiguous perceptionsof the international community are expressed in rumours andconspiracy theories. These conspiracy theories create a kindof ontological surety by presenting the Hutu refugees as thevictims of a grand Tutsi plot supported by ‘the big nations’.Finally, the article argues that refugees — being excludedfrom the nation-state and being subject to the government ofinternational NGOs — seek recognition from the internationalcommunity rather than any nation-state. This does not, however,destabilize the hegemony of the nation-state, as refugees perceivetheir own position as temporary and the international communityas the guarantor of a more just international order in the longrun.     

CHURCH AND STATE IN KENYA, 1986-1992: THE CHURCHES' INVOLVEMENT IN THE 'GAME OF CHANGE'1

This article examines the stages by which the Church in Kenyaoffered a primary challenge to the closed political system ofDaniel Arap Moi's regime, yet without establishing a politicalparty. More specifically, this article reviews the role of meChurch between 1986–1992 in generating and sustaininga public discourse on democracy and change in Kenya as wellas its organizational grass-root political activities priorto the holding of the first multi-party elections in 1992. Finally,it is argued that the debate between officialdom and the Church—mainlyits leading clergy—over the very definition of politics,not only sustained the national discourse on democracy but alsospawned demands for the democratization of Church structuresthemselves. This study is neither chronological nor purely narrative. Ratherit is structured around three central foci: first the Churches'critique of the structure of power in Kenya—a structurewhose core was the one-party system; second their involvementin local or sproadic controversies and upheavals; and thirdtheir active political involvement and information-disseminationcampaign prior to the 1992 elections.     

THE MWANZA TRIAL AS A SEARCH FOR A USABLE MALAWIAN POLITICAL PAST

The main thesis of this papier is that nations need memoriesand that there is in many contemporary African states a needto create a memory of the period between independence and thereintroduction of multipartyism. That process often takes theform of inquests into human rights abuses which can result intrials. The trial in Malawi of six people—including theformer president Kamuzu Banda and his most loyal follower J.Z.U.Tembo—on the accusation of conspiring to murder four politiciansin 1983 and to destroy relevant evidence is an example. Thisarticle discusses how the reactions of the present ruling party(UDF) and government and the previous ruling party (MCP) andtheir leadership to this trial differ. The trial is seen asa struggle about the interpretation of the past which is putin the context of the actual events in 1983 as these came outin the trial. The fundamental question which arose is whetherresponsibility for whatever happened in Malawi in that periodcan squarely be put in the hands of a trimuvirate which wasin total control of what happened or whether decision making—includingthose concerning human rights abuses—was much more diffusedthroughout society. The first version of events lacks evidenceto substantiate it. The result of the trial was therefore anacquittal which was held up in an appeal by the state. The secondversion portrays Kamuzu Banda as a leader who could be deceivedby his environment, which is at variance with the way many Malawians,not exclusively MCP supporters, saw his role.     

With David Livingstone to the Falls

The following account of his visit to the Victoria Falls isextracted from the explorer's "Missionary Travels and Researchesin South Africa." The centenary of his discovery of "Mosioatunya,"—the place where the smoke thunders, and the only place,incidentally, which Livingstone gave an English name to—isbeing celebrated at Livingstone, Southern Rhodesia, next month.     

The politics of ownership: Tanzanian coffee policy in the age of liberal reformism

In the last two decades, the twin processes of liberalizationand privatization have facilitated the ‘capturing’of key markets and assets by foreign interests in many Africancountries. This is being increasingly perceived in domesticconstituencies as a loss of national ownership and has promptedattempts by the state to defend the interests of ‘local’firms and businesspeople. These actions have often been portrayedin the literature as manoeuvres that — in the guise ofnationalism — are ultimately characterized by clientelisticand rent-seeking objectives. The analysis of coffee politicsand policy in Tanzania carried out in this article challengesthis interpretation. It shows that practices affecting the perceived(il)legitimacy of ‘foreign’ ownership of assetsand control of markets constitute elements of a ‘politicsof ownership’. This politics, although often sportingantiliberal features, does not question the essential natureof market reforms. Rather, it seeks to undermine the dominationof ‘foreign’ interests in key industries throughthe redefinition of the parameters of competition to the advantageof local actors.     

The geography of regime survival: Abacha's Nigeria

This article examines the state-creation process in Nigeriain the context of military regime survival in the 1990s. Nigeriaentered a period of protracted political crisis following theannulment of the 12 June 1993 presidential election and theentrenchment of the Abacha military government. The southwest,or Yorubaland,was the hotbed of opposition to continued militaryrule. This research shows how the Abacha government utilizedthe neo-colonial strategy of ‘divide and survive’to fragment opposition in Yorubaland, and how the governmentdivided regional opposition both socially and spatially. A localcoalition of Ekiti elites chose statehood over solidarity withtheir fellow Yorubas opposing Abacha, particularly those alignedwith Afenifere and the Oduduwa People’s Congress. Newstate movements — like that for Ekiti State — promotedmore local identities at the expense of pan-Yoruba solidarityand unified opposition to the regime. The article is based onsix months of fieldwork in Nigeria in 2002, including a casestudy of the movement for the creation of Ekiti State. Overall,it seeks to contribute to our understanding of the geographyof regime survival.     

COMMENTARY: MAURITTUS--QUO VADIS?

Mauritius—although situated in the Indian Ocean—hasoften been accounted one of Africa's economic success storiesover the last 15 years. Certainly by comparison with many Africancountries, as well as with other island-states such as thoseof the Caribbean and South Pacific, Mauritius has witnessedimpressive economic growth over that period. Its performanceis less remarkable, however, if it is compared with that ofother island city-states like Hong Kong or Singapore. Thereare many indications that the conditions which sustained Mauritius'seconomic success between 1982 and 1998 are no longer so favourable.This article considers this state of affairs and makes a numberof suggestions as to ways in which Mauritians may consider reactingto the international environment with a view to ensuring a futurebased on further economic growth.     

CAMEROON: A COUNTRY UNITED BY ETHNIC AMBITION AND DIFFERENCE

This paper attempts an answer to the question: What keeps Cameroontogether despite widespread instability in Africa, despite theturbulence of the subregional environment in which it findsitself, and despite its own internal contradictions? The mainargument is that the politics of regional and ethnic balance,the chronic lack of vision as a country, the lack of real commitmentto democracy, the propensity to vacillate on most issues ofcollective interest, together with an infinite ability to developsurvival strategies, have acted to counter all meaningful attemptsto pursue common interests and aspirations. All that appearsto unite Camerooni ans is a common ethnic or regional ambitionto preserve their differences under the delusion of maximizingopportunities. However, as the ‘national cake’ diminisheswith the worsening economic crisis, corruption, mass miseryand ethnicity, making it more illusive for the bulk of smallpeople to claim the same benefits from their connections withthe big—or the not so big—men and women of power,one can legitimately wonder just how much longer the systemcan continue to deflate the disaffected.     

Reasons for sub-Saharan Africa's development deficit that the commission for Africa did not consider

Despite a substantial amount of aid (much larger in per capitaterms than provided to any other region), sub-Saharan Africancountries, with very few exceptions, have regressed since independence.The general history of Africa since achieving independence hasbeen one of development failure. Some protagonists point tosigns of change that argue for more aid. This article suggeststhat aid to Africa has not worked because human, social andinstitutional capital — not financial capital —poses the binding constraint. In that context, doubling aidto Africa from $23 billion in 2004 to $50 billion annually by2015 seems a questionable proposition. This commentary suggestsunconventional ways of dealing with the problems involved inimporting the essential ingredients that Africa needs. It concludeswith the observation that the aid community’s currentobsession with poverty reduction and the Millennium DevelopmentGoals (MDGs) may be harming rather than helping the cause ofdevelopment in Africa and argues that the focus on growth anddevelopment should be restored.     

THE LEBANESE COMMUNITIES OF COTE D'IVOIRE

The Lebanese diaspora in Côte d'Ivoire is divided intotwo distinct communities: the established families, or durables,which have been in the country for two or three generations,and the relative newcomers, or nouveaux, who have arrived inthe country in the last two decades and have little or no connectionto the durables. Because of these divisions, and because oftheir status as a visible minority, the Lebanese have been politicallyand socially marginalized. They remain vulnerable to politicalpressure and manipulation, and find themselves unable—andunwilling— to assimilate to Ivoirian society. This studyprovides extensive factual information about this vital minorityliving and working in an import ant West African country. Moresignificantly, it provides insights into the ability of Africanpolitical leaders to manipulate and control an entrepreneurialgroup of some consequence. Finally, it illustrates some of thedifficulties of assimilation in a modern African social context,pointing out, in particular, that assimilation is a reciprocalprocess.     

The relationship between Kenneth Koma and the Botswana Democratic Party, 1965-2003

This article assesses the weaknesses of opposition in Botswanathrough the case of Kenneth Koma, the influential Presidentof the Botswana National Front (BNF) from 1977 to 2001. Thisis done by examining the perception that from 1997 Koma's relationshipwith the ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) destabilizedand weakened the opposition in the country. The article challengesa view, held by some of his detractors in the opposition, thathis leadership style was out of tune with global trends. Italso argues that what some people have viewed as ‘tribalism’— the domination of the BDP leadership by members of theBangwato tribe (of which Koma is also a member) — seemsto be primarily a matter of expediency. This alleged tribalismis used by Koma's critics as a smear. The article analyzes therelationship between Koma and the BDP at both political andpersonal levels. At the political level, Koma's failure to keepthe BNF united has been capitalized on by the BDP to tightenits grip on power. At the personal level, Koma has used hisconnections in the BDP to advantage in his business dealings.Koma's cult status and his personal and political choices havetherefore significantly contributed to de facto one-party rulein Botswana.     

Cote d'Ivoire: Patriotism, ethnonationalism and other African modes of self-writing

One of the key elements in the political-military struggle thathas wracked Côte d’Ivoire since 2002 has been the‘young patriots’ — youthful supporters ofPresident Laurent Gbagbo who claim to be struggling for thecountry’s ‘second independence’ from the formercolonial power, France. Many of them conceive of their strugglenot just as a political one but as a search for social affirmation.This article examines the politics of Ivorian ‘patriotic’youth in the light of Achille Mbembe’s influential ideason African modes of self-representation.     

Popular music, popular politics: Unbwogable and the idioms of freedom in Kenyan popular music

This article details how Gidi Gidi Maji Maji's popular songUnbwogable moved to occupy centre-stage in the political arenaof Kenya's December 2002 general election. The first part ofthe article deals with the politics of the song's production,its entry into the public domain and the politics of interpretationthat influenced the patterns of its consumption. The secondpart is a nuanced reading of the text — the lyrics —dramatizing the shared experiences, memories and socio-economicimmobility that distilled into the Kenyan people's common voiceof defiance and determination to institute change. The thirdpart emphasizes the contingency of events that culminated inthe National Rainbow Coalition (NARC) appropriating Unbwogable,thus completing its movement from popular song to national popularculture event and, ultimately, to political discourse. Afterthe elections this discourse of resistance and invincibilitywas rewritten to include victory and it is precisely in thisclose association with the state that the slogan has run thedanger of being colonized by a privileged few at the expenseof the majority. The article concludes by underlining the elasticityof idiom.     

Malaria Control for Rural Populations

This article forms the concluding part of a lecture by the Directorof the Ross Institute of Tropical Hygiene, on the 24th July.Dr.Macdonald opened with a discussion on the present state ofmalaria research, details of which may be found in the Bibliography.His discussion mainly turned on the point whether children whoare particularly susceptible should be allowed, by repeatedinfection to develop immunity in adult life. He himself wasopposed to this method— in an investigation in SierraLeone, he had discovered that 42 per cent of school childrenhad a pathological temperature. On the other hand, Dr. Wilson,in Tanganyika, came to a diametrically opposite conclusion,and this view holds the field in East and Central Africa to-day,especially in rural areas. Dr. Worthington, in Science in Africa,has stressed the need for research; but, quoting evidence fromSierra Leone, Tanganyika, and Nyasaland, Dr. Macdonald is ofthe opinion that prima facie evidence shows that malaria doescause ill-effects on a large scale, malaria causes large childmortality, and in adult life, it causes varying degrees of instability.     

THE URGENCY OF LAND AND AGRARIAN REFORM IN RWANDA

The challenges which lie ahead for post-genocide Rwanda's economic,social and political development are closely related throughthe issue of land. The pressure from a high rate of populationgrowth, added to the paucity of economic opportunities outsidethe agricultural sector, is forcing people off the land andinto poverty. Society is under extreme stress. Over the lastdecade the fabric of Rwandan society has been torn, resultingin ethnic and social divisions which culminpted in the eventsof 1994. Since then, new groups have entered the competitionfor land. Decisions concerning land and agrarian reform willunavoidably benefit some groups within this fragmented societywhile disadvantaging others. This article approaches the landproblem from two perspectives: first, by situating its socio-economicdimension in a deeper historical context and second, by consideringit as a specifically contemporary socio-political problem. Thearticle discusses the latest proposals for land and agrarianreform. While pressure on land has, over time, weakened socialbonds, it remains doubtful whether the government has the politicalstrength—in the present unstable national and regionalpolitical climate—to carry out the necessary reinforcementof communal bonds which economic development appears to require.     

Two Nigerian Lists

These two lists may prove of interest in relation to recentdevelopments in Nigeria. The first was extracted from the quarterlyreview of the Department of Labour for September, 1944—membersof the African Civil Servants Technical Workers Union are starred,and three later unions should be added to them: P.W.D. Ijora(Sawmill) Workers Union, Lagos Town Council Workers Union, RailwayStation Staff Union. The dates of forming are as follows: 1–12,1940;13–36, 1941; 37–77. 1942; 78–83, 1943;and the last 2, 1944. The second list is based on an accountof the. opening ceremony in August, 1944, contained in the WestAfrican Pilot together with subsequent additions. It is notcomplete, containing 105 names where the N.C.N.C. claims anythingup to 126. The 8 bodies which decided on a National Delegationto proceed on behalf of the Council to England are starred.     

Higher Education in West Africa

On the 19th June, the long awaited reports of the Asquith Commissionand the Elliot Commission were published as Cmd. 6647 and 6655.The Asquith Report (2/-) contains 119 pages with tables: theElliot Report (3/-) is even longer— 190 pages with tables,maps and plans. Members will appreciate the work of Mr. Hussey,a former Director of Education in Nigeria, who has kindly summarisedthe main findings, in the hope of stimulating the public ofboth Britain and West Africa to study the full Reports.     

Corrigendum

In the short note published in the last issue, ‘The SeventiethAnniversary of the Founding of the Royal African Society’it was erroneously stated that Mr Swanzy had been editor ofthe Society's journal ‘for many years before 1944’and Alan Gray from 1944 to 1966. Mr Swanzy points out that his editorship ran from 1944 to 1954,when he was succeeded by Alan Gray. It was in fact he who renamedthe journal African Affairs to differentiate its content fromthat of the International African Institute, and who institutedthe valuable, though exacting, feature ‘Quarterly Notes’. Mr Swanzy himself contributed to the 1951 Jubilee number animportant review of the Royal African's Society's history tothis date. The editors much regret these substantial errors and omissions,and are glad to be reminded of them.