A look inside an emerging nuclear supplier. Advocacy coalitions and change in Argentine foreign nuclear policy

What light can foreign policy analysis (FPA) shed on how and when the balance of power between domestic coalitions in foreign nuclear policymaking changes and how these different balances directly affect policy outcomes? Drawing on interviews with scientists, technologists and career diplomats, this comprehensive examination of Argentine nuclear exports policy as public policy aims to depict when and how policies varied between 1976 and 2004, due to shifts in the balance amongst advocacy coalitions, albeit of incentives and constraints placed by international and institutional nuclear environments. The article provides a better account of how Argentine nuclear foreign policy changed under the influence of four competitive and contrasting advocacy coalitions: the pro-import substitution and protectionist coalition, the pro-technological autonomy and South-South trade coalition, the pro-business and commercial openness coalition and the antinuclear and pro-environment coalition.     

Iran,the United States,and the War on Terrorism

For more than two decades the United States has considered Iran the world's leading country in sponsoring international terrorism. Shortly after the September 11 attacks the two nations worked together to defeat Al Qaeda and the Taliban. By late 2001, however, the old mistrust and suspicion had resurfaced. This article examines the brief period of cooperation between Washington and Tehran in the war on terrorism. The following sections analyze the failed attempt to smuggle Iranian weapons to the Palestinian Authority (the so-called Karine-A affair), the designation of Iran as part of global axis of evil, and the Enhanced Border Security and Visa Entry Reform Act of 2002. Despite strong disagreement on how to define and fight terrorism, the study argues, Iranian and American interests are not mutually exclusive. There are certain areas where the two sides can work together.     

在美国花钱

圣诞节前商品大减价 美国的商家除了打出季节性处理商品外,还有节日性处理,而最受人瞩目的当数圣诞节前,这是个商品大消费的黄金季节.我曾在圣诞节前夕到过新奥尔良港,整座城市沉浸在节日的氛围中,街道两旁的窗前布置着鲜花和彩灯,街上彩旗飘飘,霓虹闪烁,人们欢歌笑语.     

Health in the United States.

On the whole, the American people consider themselves healthy and, according to the major health indicators, they are becoming healthier all the time. The expectation of life at birth is one and one-half times what it was at the beginning of the century. Many of the leading causes of death have experienced significant declines in rates in the last decade. Nevertheless, the minority populations frequently lag behind the white population with respect to health indicators. Prevention in the health field is being stressed through immunization programs and programs to influence individuals to change their habits. Nutrition is playing a larger role in public life; considerable publicity has been given to dietary goals for promotion of good health. The health service industry has grown rapidly. Health care has expanded and its costs have trebled since 1970. In the 1980s, interest will undoubtedly focus on minority populations and health, on how the economically disadvantaged may better be served, on the effects of an aging population on the health care system, and on how life-styles which undermine health care can be changed. The U.S. Surgeon General has established national health goals for the 1980s that will improve the nation's health if they are achieved.     

The United States naval blockade of Iraq: a foreign policy and international law analysis

This is the second of a two part essay by Commander Rosen into the causes of the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait, the modern law of blockade, the political wisdom and the lawfulness of imposing a limited blockade of Iraq. Defects in the current regime of blockade were explored.

In part II, Commander Rosen closely explores the legal justification for the U.S. use of force in response to the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait. It is frequently overlooked that the U.S. naval blockade (it was called a “naval interdiction”) was a U.S.-only operation from August 12th until August 25, 1990. As a pedagogical exercise, this period is extremely important because the U.S. use of force (by its naval units), in response to a written request by deposed Emir of Kuwait, must be justified under the U.N. Charter to be proper under international law. Once the U.N. Security Council authorized the use of force on August 25, 1990 to enforce the U.N. embargo, then the operation became one in which the U.N., as a corporate body, was acting. Since most low intensity conflicts since 1945, have involved lawful use of force issues outside of Security Council purview, the U.S. unilateral military action (blockade) against Iraqi shipping must be analyzed. It is reasonable to anticipate that future controversies of this sort will occur because of philosophic divisions among the U.N. Security Council permanent members or because there is anaequate time for the U.N. “Security Council to meet and obtain the forces required to insert into a region of conflict. Resurrection of the moribund U.N. Military Staff Committee might be one of the lessons learned from this particular episode.

The United States had the benefit of a U.N. resolution on August 25, 1990 to justify its naval action. Before that date, the legal issue arises whether, in the early stages, national self-defense grounds permitted the use of force against Iraq (blockade) since deprivation of assured access to critical materials (oil) can be considered an act of aggression under some theories of international law. Commander Rosen concludes that the low intensity blockade was probably not authorized, under a theory of national self-defense, because the U.S. had no hard evidence on August 12, 1990 (the day the blockade commenced) that Saddam Hussein would deprive the U.S. of access to Gulf Oil supplies. But, because of the pervasive interdepencies of world economies, world food supplies, and petroleum access, the case was extremely close.

The customary international law of intervention (protection of nationals or humanitarian) and the law of collective self-defense was explored relative to the U.S. imposition of a limited naval blockade. Commander Rosen concludes that intervention theory will not support the limited naval blockade since there was insufficient evidence that U.S. citizens were in imminent danger (as in Grenada) and the blockade operation was too limited and indirect in scope to produce the type of rapid results which have come to be associated with a humanitarian intervention (as in the Congo). But, since Kuwait’s territorial sovereignty had been grossly violated as a result of illegal aggression, Kuwait was privileged under the U.N. Charter to request and receive defense assistance from the United States under Article 51 to recover lost territory. Arguments that the right to act in collective self-defense under Article 51 is limited to the nation which itself is attacked (or a nation closely aligned with the victim) are rejected as contrary to the U.N. norms of promoting community resistance to illegal aggression.

While the Persian Gulf dispute has resulted in open hostilities, international law issues existed whether, in the early stages, the blockade was militarily necessary and whether the blockade could be extended to the Jordanian port of Aqaba, because of conflicting reports as to Jordan’s adherence with the U.N. embargo, were explored. International law would probably not support an extension of the blockade to Aqaba because it would be seen an improper interference with Jordan’s neutrality. Similarly, forbidding the passage of U.N. medical and food convoys into Iraq was seen as a breach of international law provided such shipments were specifically authorized and supervised by the U.N. security council (to ensure that the food was only distributed to civilians).     

Paan and Gutka Use in the United States

Abstract

Smokeless tobacco and areca nut are popular with South Asians and South Asian immigrants, most commonly used as paan and gutka. Their regular use leads to oral cancer. The South Asian community in the U.S. is rapidly growing, where paan and gutka are readily available. The study was the first exploration of the migration of the paan and gutka habits, and their use in the U.S.

A 108-item questionnaire on paan and gutka usage and beliefs was administered to 138 first-generation Bangladeshi and Indian-Gujarati immigrant adults at community sites in the New York metropolitan area. Forty-five percent Indian-Gujaratis reported ever-regular paan use; of which 5% are current users. Thirty-one percent reported ever-regular gutka use; of which 77% are current users. Thirty-five percent Bangladeshis reported ever-regular paan use; of which 70% are current users. Nine percent reported ever-regular gutka use; of which 67% are current users. Bangladeshis are more likely to identify paan as causing oral cancer. Indian-Gujaratis are more likely to identify gutka as causing oral cancer.

Between the two communities, there were significant differences in paan and gutka usage, migration effects, and oral cancer risk perception. There is a need for comprehensive migration studies on the determinants of usage, and for community-specific interventions for these carcinogenic products.     

Adolescent suicide myths in the United States

In the United States, teen suicide rates tripled over several decades, but have declined slightly since the mid-1990s. Suicide, by its nature, is a complex problem. Many myths have developed about individuals who complete suicide, suicide risk factors, current prevention programs, and the treatment of at-risk youth. The purpose of this article is to address these myths, to separate fact from fiction, and offer recommendations for future suicide prevention programs. Myth #1: Suicide attempters and completers are similar Myth #2: Current prevention programs work. Myth #3: Teenagers have the highest suicide rate. Myth #4: Suicide is caused by family and social stress. Myth #5: Suicide is not inherited genetically. Myth #6: Teen suicide represents treatment failure. Psychiatric illnesses are often viewed differently from other medical problems. Research should precede any public health effort, so that suicide prevention programs can be designed, implemented, and evaluated appropriately. Too often suicide prevention programs do not use evidence-based research or practice methodologies. More funding is warranted to continue evidence-based studies. We propose that suicide be studied like any medical illness, and that future prevention efforts are evidence-based, with appropriate outcome measures.     

Archetypal Terrorist Events in the United States

This research presents a typology of terrorist events rather than the more common typologies of terrorist groups and ideologies. Archetypal analysis, a quantitative methodology to identify pure types, was used with data in START's Global Terrorism Database to identify archetypal attacks in the United States. A set of seven archetypal events was identified including abortion bombings, poisonings, Aryan hate, hostage-taking, fire/bomb for damage, assassination, and the catastrophic Big Bad. These archetypes may be useful for training and exercising for events with additional potential value for developing theory of terrorist events.     

Women and Organized Racial Terrorism in the United States

Racial terrorism—violence perpetrated by organized groups against racial minorities in pursuit of white and Aryan supremacist agendas—has played a significant role in U.S. society and politics. Women have been important actors in much of this violence. This article examines women's involvement in racial terrorism from the immediate post-Civil War period to the present. Although organized racial violence by women has increased over time, this trend may not continue. The strategic directions and tactical choices of Aryan and white supremacist groups are likely to alter the extent and nature of women's involvement in racial terrorism in the future.     

中国与印度在美国的游说行动对比

中国与印度对美国国内政治的塑造方法很少被关注,并更少被比较。大多数分析家描写美国对这两个崛起中的国家的影响。但是,在国际关系领域中,这两个国家对美国国内决策的影响越来越突出。一种比较典型的影响通道来自于游说集团。虽然双方都经常通过这类的方式,但是他们的游说行动还保持差异。按照理性主义,一切行为的基本特征都是对自身利益最大化的精密计算。本文通过案例分析的归纳方法来探索中印采取的游说措施,并使用国别观察来区分双方游说的共同点与不同点。最后,文章要判断为什么印度在美国的游说行动往往比中国的游说行动有效。     

Ideas, bargaining and flexible policy communities: policy change and the case of the Oxford Transport Strategy

Critiques of policy networks have highlighted particularly the inability of concepts such as policy communities to explain policy change. The established construction of policy community places it chiefly as a metaphor for a relatively stable network within the policy process, which emphasizes the resource dependencies between key stakeholders. Typically, a process of bargaining brings about accommodation and a state of negotiated order.
However, a key problem arises in explaining major policy change where an established policy community persists. One solution here is to appreciate that, over time, dominant ideas and associated policy meanings may shift appreciably within an otherwise durable policy community. Thus, even a seemingly insulated policy community, under certain conditions, may not be immune to idea mutation and new policy meanings. Given the central importance of policy communities, these shifts may induce significant policy change.
A case study of this type is provided by the Oxford Transport Strategy (OTS), where a dual process of change took place. On one level of analysis, a challenge to the policy community produced a typical bargaining strategy, with an emphasis on negotiated order. On another level of analysis, however, the terms of the policy debate shifted markedly, and produced a new meaning for the key concept of integrated transport within the policy community. In turn, this process induced significant policy change. The article concludes that, ironically, the survival of a policy community depends on its ability to re-create itself by visualizing a new future.     

The Question of Palestine and United States Behavior at the United Nations

This article examines United States behavior at the United Nations regarding the Question of Palestine, with focus on the US-Israel relationship and US voting pattern. What is found is an overwhelming voting coincidence between the US and Israel in the UN General Assembly or a US liberal use of the veto in the UN Security Council in support of Israel. The strong bond between both countries, brought about by common interests and practical US realities, has created an impasse on the Question of Palestine at the UN. All concerned must realize that membership in the UN necessitates upholding the UN Charter and moving beyond national idiosyncrasies and short-term advantages in order to achieve stability and peace with justice for all.     

Far-Right Lone Wolf Homicides in the United States

Little is known about the nature of far-right lone wolf terrorism and how this form of violence varies across different types of suspects. Relying on data from the Extremist Crime Database (ECDB), we comparatively examine characteristics of far-right homicides in the United States perpetrated by suspects with no evident affiliations with domestic terrorist organizations. Surprisingly, we found that this form of lone wolf terrorism has generally not increased during the past decade. We also found important differences, such as in suspects’ mental health, in statuses of homicide offenders who operate alone compared to those who associate or act with others.     

东盟-美国加强伙伴关系

早在今年7月底,东盟与美国签署了<实施加强东盟-美国伙伴关系行动计划框架文件>.该框架文件是2005年11月东盟和美国发表的<关于加强东盟-美国伙伴关系联合声明>的后续行动计划,涵盖了2006年至2010年东盟和美国全面加强双边关系与合作的行动安排.     

Intercountry Adoption from Guatemala and the United States

Abstract

On October 6, 2000, President Clinton signed the Inter-country Adoption Act of 2000 (H.R. 2909), which represents the United States' implementation of the 1993 Hague Convention on Protection of Children and Co-operation in Respect on Intercountry Adoption (Joint Council on International Children's Services, 2000). The Ratification of this international treaty came about as increasing attention was brought to the need for greater oversight of Intercountry adopters both into and out of the United States. Over the past decade, the number of United States citizens adopting children from overseas has more than doubled. There are also an increasing number of children who are United States citizens that are being adopted by citizens of other countries. Both the United States and Guatemala have established policies of participation in Inter-country adoption as sending nations primarily to address the problem of how to best care for children permanently separated from their families of origin. However, further analysis indicated that there are problems that these policies indirectly address which are much more complex. The purpose of this paper is to describe and analyze these policies.     

美国社会生活拾零

在美国买房子 屈指算来,来美国已有五个年了,手头也有了些积蓄,加上老婆、孩子都跟了过来,就着手买房子,作长久打算。看了好多新房子旧房子,要么对房子不满意,要么对所在社区不满意,要么嫌房价太贵,可看了半年,房价就涨了半年,而且没有一点停的迹象,最后不得已咬牙花了近30万美元,在一个比较满意的社区买了一栋已使用了20多年的Ranch(平房)。 老父从国内来看我们,见我们花了200多万元人民币买了这么一个一拳可以打个洞、一脚可以踹倒一面墙的旧房子,很是心疼。他知道我们小夫妻这两年虽存了一些钱,但添置这添置那,现在手头离30万还差得远。而且他还担心我们在美国人生地不