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1.
Tony Burns 《政治学》2000,20(2):93-98
This article considers the nature of politics. Robinson Crusoe is used to show that even the broadest understanding of politics found in the literature is inadequate, for the situation of Crusoe on his island is a political situation even though he is completely alone. An analogy is drawn between the deep ecological understanding of politics and the moral philosophy of Immanuel Kant. For Kantian ethics, also, is built on the idea of a solitary individual who is at least existentially isolated. It is concluded that what makes any situation political is the fact that in it some policy is required.  相似文献   

2.
The theme of this conference is "the image of the public administrator". This puts me immediately on the spot, since I suspect that many public servants believe that if that image is less flattering than they would like it to be, the fault lies largely with the press. This notion, which is also popular in the professions, is at once comforting and dangerous. It is comforting because it is always a relief to find that it is someone else's fault that one is unloved. It is dangerous because it encourages a retreat back into complacency.  相似文献   

3.
教育经济混沌动力学模型构建及应用   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
借鉴了前苏联经济学家斯特鲁米林(Sterlumlin)的劳动简化法,把教育因素引入到具有混沌特征的哈维尔莫(Haavelmo)动力学模型中,建立了教育经济混沌动力学模型。在此基础上根据我国的历史数据进行了仿真运算,得出我国教育经济混沌动力学模型。此模型的建立不仅可以得出目前我国教育经济系统基本处于稳步协调发展阶段的结论,而且为决策者提供了通过控制和利用混沌来管理教育经济系统的思路和决策依据。  相似文献   

4.
解放思想是重大政治问题,又是理想生活问题。它是人与社会发展的共同需要,是一种与思想活动、生活行动和社会运动相互贯通的总体性和长期性过程。解放思想作为思想意识的形态,说明它不等于但又依存于、倾向于思想解放,它和思想解放融合在主体的生活世界之中。这是基于哲学世界观的认识维度。解放思想作为生活意识的形态,就是主体直面生活的开放态度、是主体从容生活作为发展意识的形态,说明它是推进全社会更彻底的思想解放、更协调的科学发展的社会精神气质。这是基于哲学发展观的建构维度。  相似文献   

5.
培育人文精神提升人文素质   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
马新凤 《学理论》2009,(15):86-87
人文精神培育的本质是育人,是提高人的素质。人文精神培育的使命是陶冶人性,铸造健康饱满的人格,也就是教会学生学会做人。教育是一种人文精神,教育的过程是人文精神培育的过程,教育的使命就是培育人文素质,培育合理的人文精神。融人文精神于高等教育之中是培育大学生的人文精神、提高他们的人文素质,从而使他们成长为复合型人才的重要途径。  相似文献   

6.
Finnish public health care planning is a multi-level five year planning system which is heavily bureaucratized. The planning process is formalized and is supposed to work according to fixed time-tables. Here the system is seen to display a conflict between technical planning assumptions and the political and pluralistic setting of the system. This conflict is seen to generate bureaucratic inertia. Empirical evidence indicates that the system does not work according to the a priori set schedules and it is doubtful whether it will keep up to schedule even after the reforms that have been made.  相似文献   

7.
边贸是一个国家对外贸易的重要内容,广西有“祖国南大门”之称,是中国与东盟陆上最便捷的通道.圩市是农村商品流通的载体,边疆圩市是促进毗邻国家边贸的重要平台。发展边疆圩市有利于边民之间的交流与合作、友谊与团结,有利于边疆地区民族团结与稳定。流通现代化是促进圩市发展、边贸市场升级和转型以及解决边疆“三农”问题的有效途径。  相似文献   

8.
We model two aspects of executives in parliamentary democracies: Decision‐making authority is assigned to individuals, and private information is aggregated through communication. When information is relevant to all policies and communication is private, all decisions should be centralized to a single politician. A government that holds cabinet meetings, where information is made available to all decision makers, outperforms one where communication is private: A multimember cabinet can be optimal; it need not be single peaked around the most moderate politician or ideologically connected. Centralization is nonmonotonic in the degree of ideological divergence. In a large cabinet, all power should be given to the most moderate politician. Even when uncertainty is policy specific and a single politician is informed on each policy, power should never be fully decentralized. Our model provides a justification for centralized authority and cabinet meetings that enhance the quality of policy.  相似文献   

9.
嵇雷 《学理论》2011,(6):34-36
民族区域自治制度是我国的一项基本政治制度,它所具有的政治整合功能可归纳为以民族整合为核心、以领土整合为先导、以价值观念整合为基础、以目标取向整合为前提、以行为方式整合为重点等五个方面的功能。  相似文献   

10.
公司治理结构是建立现代企业制度的核心问题之一。代理关系是公司治理问题产生的一个条件,与公司治理存在着密切的关系。代理关系问题产生的最重要的原因是劳动分工,代理收益大于代理成本是代理关系不断得以拓展的前提。所有权主体多元化与经营管理要求一元化存在着矛盾,如果公司进行外部融资,也必然产生了代理问题,并对公司治理产生一定的影响。  相似文献   

11.
The importance of sex and gender to political behavior is reflected in the volume of work examining gender gaps in public opinion and partisan choice. Despite their centrality, sex and gender are poorly measured in survey research. The principal problem is the conflation of gender with sex in survey research. Consequently, gender is typically treated as a dichotomy, with no response options for androgynous gender identities, or indeed degrees of identification with masculine or feminine identities. We compare a new measure of genuine gender identification with a conventional measure of biological sex to determine whether the practice of using sex as a proxy for gender is sound. Sex is a fair proxy for gender, but for about a quarter of our sample, it is not. Moreover, greater nuance is gained when analyses incorporate a finer-grained measure of gender than is possible by using biological sex as a substitute. We argue that this is simply the start to an important conversation and that more research is needed to ascertain how we might best measure “gender” in the future.  相似文献   

12.
Abstract. Mass communication is multi-dimensional. One often overlooked alternative medium of mass communication, when it is systematic and not random, is public art - murals, graffiti, wall painting and posters. The linking of art and politics has precedents in Basque culture. It is the thesis of this article that public art is an important factor in the political communication process in the Basque region, that Basque nationalists, especially radical Basques revolving around the ETA movement, have used public art as one source for increasing visibility, raising consciousness, and building a mass based movement. What is particular about Basque nationalism is that it is a cultural-political movement, a reawakening from a 'culture of silence' induced by the Franco regime. Today, public art is an accepted channel for communicating the gamut of socio-political issues relevant to the social conflict in the Basque homeland.  相似文献   

13.
从多层次到多支柱:养老保障体系改革再思考   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
在对多层次养老保险体系反思的基础上,从多支柱理论和我国现实国情出发,构建了以多支柱为核心特征的养老保障体系。零支柱:以低收入者和农民为对象的普惠制国民养老金,旨在防止老年贫困。第一支柱:以正式就业者为对象,由基本养老保险社会统筹部分改造而来的基本养老金,目标在于保障就业者退休后的基本生活,突出社会再分配。第二支柱:以正式就业者为对象,由基本养老保险个人账户部分和企业年金计划合并而来的职业年金计划,使退休职工生活水平比单一的第一支柱有所改善,同时有助于应对老龄化危机。第三支柱:自愿性的个人养老储蓄计划,为有较高需求的高收入者提供的更高层次的保护。  相似文献   

14.
David Miller offers a liberal realist defence of immigration control grounded in cosmopolitan ideals of self-determination, fairness and integration. But a commitment to liberal values requires a commitment to more open borders than he admits. A part of the problem is that the notion of open borders Miller criticises is under-theorised. A deeper problem is that immigration control itself is inconsistent with important liberal values – notably the values of freedom and equality. This is a concern because it is the freedom and equality not only of immigrants but also of citizens that is threatened by the closing of borders.  相似文献   

15.
The use of labour values as a basis for economic calculation in a socialist economy is defended. A resource allocation mechanism is outlined that uses a combination of labour value calculation with market clearing prices for consumer goods. Conditions for full employment are specified. A type theoretic analysis of economic calculation is presented. Information theory is used to estimate the information content of real price vectors. It is demonstrated that both price calculations and value calculations are type theory equivalent and that both involve information loss. It is shown that modern computer technology is capable of computing up to date labour values with comparative ease.  相似文献   

16.
王琦 《学理论》2009,(21):141-142
什么是科学?它是一种理性还是一种信仰?在当今社会,科学正处在一个高高在上的位置。似乎可以说,科学成了一种信仰。然而说科学是一种信仰,并没有要贬低科学的价值,也不是要抹杀掉科学所带来的积极影响,而只是说,科学不该受到这样待遇,不能独占鳌头。科学只是人类文化中的一部分,它与其他知识体系具有同样的地位。人是需要信仰的,但是不能盲目地去信仰,所以我们可以以理性为基础去信仰。信仰和理性不是完全割裂开来的,信仰寻求理性的理解,理性也从信仰中获得支撑。二者之间具有合力也有张力。而对于科学的信仰,就可以认为是理性与信仰合力作用的结果之一。  相似文献   

17.
Why is the private economy in Italy thriving, while the public sector is so poor? This article spells out the general characteristics of the structures and procedures of the public sector and outlines the criteria on which to judge its efficiency in order to proceed to the presentation of four explanatory hypotheses.

The first hypothesis is an economic one: the private sector may have exploited the public sector, which bears costs that are to the direct advantage of the private economy. The second hypothesis is social: the public sector is poor because it is a means of taking on labour from the underdeveloped South, becoming in this way a social buffer. The third hypothesis is political: the administration is used to secure political support for the ruling parties (and in particular, for the Christian Democratic Party). The fourth hypothesis is historical: the administration is badly run because, as a result of the Fascist experience, Italians fear any form of ‘Bonapartism’: and it is badly organised because the public sector's take‐off has been delayed and the pace imposed on its development has been excessive. In the last section some remedies are suggested and some conclusions are outlined.  相似文献   

18.
哲学发展是内在矛盾的运动,哲学创新是唯心主义和唯物主义历史发展的双重变奏.唯心主义在哲学创新中占有重要地位,并使得唯物主义的哲学创新常常表现为对唯心主义创新成果所含价值的科学解构.马克思实践唯物主义的本义是走向实践,但其学术意蕴则是离开哲学思辨.哲学创新须把握好哲学特有的学术理路,其中,允许唯心主义正常发展有利于哲学学科整体水平的提高.  相似文献   

19.
发展观是一个国家在发展进程中对发展及怎样发展的总的和系统的看法,是一定时期经济与社会发展的需求在思想观念层面的聚焦和反映。科学发展观是三个代表重要思想在发展领域的深化和具体化,是全面建设小康社会和实现现代化的根本指针,是我们党执政理念的重要升华。  相似文献   

20.
In the first section policy science is differentiated from policy analysis, the notion of policy is defined, and an analysis of the concept of policy science is offered which gives emphasis to what is unique in this intellectual endeavor when it is conceived as a general method of problem solving. Section II provides a discussion of the criteria of rationality for the conduct of policy science. Attention is focused upon the methodological differences between science and policy science and upon certain methodological difficulties which are peculiar to policy science. The third section gives consideration to one important relationship between facts and values in the policy science process. While it is generally well recognized that values enter into policy science in a way they do not enter into science, it is also widely held that they do not operate in such a way as to frustrate the central objective of the policy scientist (i.e., the solution or alleviation of a policy problem). It is argued that the relation between values and facts in policy science is frequently such as to have this undesired frustrative effect.  相似文献   

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