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Mark Beeson 《亚洲研究》2013,45(3):445-462
The United States has exerted a major influence on Southeast Asia, especially since World War II. As both a promoter of neoliberal reform and as the key strategic actor in the wider East Asian region, the impact of U.S. power has been immense. But both the Asian economic crisis and its aftermath, and the more recent “war on terror,” have highlighted the contradictory impact of evolving U.S. foreign policy and intervention in the region. At both an elite and a mass level there is evidence of resentment about, and hostility toward, U.S. policy and its perceived negative effects. This article outlines how U.S. foreign policy has impacted the region in the economic, political, and security spheres, and argues that not only has it frequently not achieved its goals, but it may in fact be undermining both America's long-term hegemonic position in the region and any prospects for political liberalization. 相似文献
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论美国对亚洲的商务外交策略 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
美国在亚洲有广泛的政治、商务和战略利益,为此,美国提出了对亚洲的商务外交策略,即通过积极推进双边和区域自由贸易和投资协定的签署,提升与亚洲各国的政治和外交关系,并通过发挥在世界贸易组织(WTO)和亚太经济合作组织(APEC)中的领导作用,保障其在亚洲的战略利益.美国在亚洲的商务外交策略还包括:通过"东盟企业发展动议"积极参与东盟的经济一体化进程,全面实施新时期的对华战略,在军事和亚洲事务上与日本保持合作,并把印度作为制衡中国和日本的战略伙伴国,从而巩固其在亚洲的主导地位. 相似文献
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Jialin Zhang 《East Asia》1995,14(2):47-61
After the collapse of the Soviet Union the anti-Soviet rationale for U.S.-China ties was exhausted. Today, both countries
are trying to define the new foundation and intrinsic value of their long-term relationship in the post-cold war era. Although
human rights, trade, and weapons proliferation issues were major obstacles to the improvement of bilateral relations, recent
developments have shown that by making mutual concessions and showing good will, the PRC and the United States can avert confrontation
and build a constructive relationship.
He was a visiting scholar at Stanford University between 1993 and 1994. 相似文献
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浅析奥巴马政府的东南亚外交 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
"9·11"事件后,美国在全球反恐战争的大背景下"重返"东南亚.但是,由于美国的东南亚外交缺乏连贯、全面的战略安排以及政策上的失误,美国在该地区的战略影响力不升反降.奥巴马政府上台以来,在确保其东南亚战略利益和战略目标基本不变前提下的,在"巧实力"外交理念的指导下,全面介入该地区的各项事务.美国在东南亚外交上的调整必将对该地区权力格局的演变及地区安全秩序的塑造产生重大影响. 相似文献
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Complementary trade structure and U.S.-China negotiations over intellectual property rights 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
Ka Zeng 《East Asia》2002,20(1):54-80
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Cheng-yi Lin 《East Asia》1992,11(4):40-57
If there had not been a Korean War, the Chinese Communists would probably have invaded Taiwan in 1950. After the outbreak
of the Korean War, the United States began to reverse its hands-off policy toward the Chinese Nationalists on Taiwan. The
Korean War first compelled the United States to grant military aid to Taiwan and then put the island under U.S. protection.
The war forestalled the deterioration of the ROC’s international status, but the legal status of Taiwan became undetermined
in the eyes of U.S. policymakers. U.S. economic aid prevented Taiwan from sliding into an economic depression in the 1950s,
and greatly contributed to the island’s later economic takeoff.
He is the author ofThe Taiwan Security Triangle (Taipei: Laureate Publishing Company, 1989). 相似文献
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美国在英属东南亚殖民地非殖民化过程中的政策及其作用 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
战后初期,一方面由于美国认为英国所采取的殖民政策较为开明,基本符合美国所倡导的渐进的非殖民化模式;另一方面出于自身经济利益和冷战形势下全球战略的考虑,美国默认了英国殖民主义在东南亚的继续存在.英国国力的衰落使其在东南亚地区的影响逐步萎缩,美国以介入战后东南亚非殖民化的过程为契机,开始在塑造该地区未来秩序的过程中起到领导性的作用,并对英帝国的非殖民化施加了一定影响.美英之间历经从战时开始的合作与冲突,以大英帝国的瓦解而告结束,完成了战后世界霸权的转移. 相似文献
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Warren John Tenney 《East Asia》1992,11(4):58-76
This article focuses upon American relations with China and Korea through a comparative exploration of U.S. responses to the 1989 Tiananmen and 1980 Kwangju incidents. The thesis contends that U.S. policy towards both countries was founded primarily upon security and economic interests and was often obscured by a lack of understanding of these nations’ internal affairs, history, and culture. Although these factors exist in U.S. relations with the two countries, the United States places greater importance upon China than Korea, a situation that does not necessarily benefit Americans. 相似文献
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2006年12月11日,由中国社会科学院国际合作局与中国社会科学院美国研究所主办的"美国的反恐战略与中亚政策"国际学术研讨会在北京举行. 相似文献
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William J. Murphy 《East Asia》1994,13(4):61-84
This article argues that the rise of China and the changing North-east Asian balance of power are creating the classical adjustment problems of Great Power international relations historically associated with power transitions and that three types of misperceptions across five important issues in the Sino-American security relationship are interfering with the prospects of achieving the systemic adjustments required for long-term stability. Power transition and the rise of China are seen as potentially undermining stability in four ways: (1) by generating security dilemmas and arms races, (2) by contributing to increased incidence of conflicting security interests, (3) by aggravating South china Sea maritime disputes, and (4) by undermining Chinese domestic stability in a manner which potentially results in a hostile regime that adopts an aggressive foreign policy coming to power at some point in the future. Systemic adjustment is defined as the process by which major powers peacefully reconcile their opposing interests and is viewed as being an essential feature of stability over the long term. The article argues that three types of misperceptions concerning: (1) salient issues, (2) security interests, and (3) the influence of domestic politics on foreign policy are manifesting themselves in misunderstandings of five security issues that are impeding the systemic adjustment process. These five issues are: (1) the nature of post-cold war Sino-American security relations and international politics, (2) the role of democracy and U.S. human rights in foreign policy, (3) the significance of China’s South China Sea policy, (4) Middle East diplomacy and arms sales, and (5) nuclear weapons and arms control policy. The article concludes with a discussion of policy implications that stresses the importance of consultation and dialogue to reduce misperceptions. 相似文献
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"9·11"后,美国将注意力集中到东南亚,将之视为反恐战争的"第二战线".在东南亚的反恐活动中,美国着重于打击海上恐怖主义袭击,在与东南亚国家加强反恐合作的同时,也对东南亚几个国家提供了军事援助和联合进行反恐军事演习. 相似文献
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美国重返东南亚的中国因素与中国的战略应对 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
控制东南亚是冷战后美国亚太战略的重要步骤.最近,美国加入《东南亚友好合作条约》,并宣布重返东南亚,其主要的战略意图是牵制中国.美国重返东南亚对中国的消极影响大于其积极影响,中国政府必须采取相应的战略对策,包括加强与东南亚国家的关系,推进东亚经济区域合作,建立东亚安全共同体以及促进中美关系等. 相似文献
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Gaston J. Sigur 《East Asia》1991,10(2):53-65
The author persuasively argues that U.S. policy in the Asia-Pacific region has been and must continue to be based upon four fundamental principles: 1) genuine respect for the interests and prerogatives of the peoples of the region; 2) support for the establishment of democratic institutions and processes in East Asia and the Pacific; 3) the expansion of trade and investment with basic reliance on the market forces of competition and free enterprise; and 4) recognition that peace and stability are best facilitated by addressing specific sources of regional tension. 相似文献