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Leaders should be judged based on whether they had foresight and whether they were able to risk their jobs to live out their convictions. Japan suffered from a lack of good leaders before WWII. Since then outstanding leaders carried out their convictions and solved postwar issues. Nakasone Yasuhiro (1918–2019) was the first postwar Prime Minister (1982–1987) who squarely placed Japan as an important member of the industrialized democracies. During his term as prime minister, he improved relations between Japan and the US as well as between Japan and other Asian countries, especially China and the Republic of Korea, thereby raising Japan’s presence around the world. Domestically he boldly implemented reforms in security, privatization of state-owned enterprises, and in solidifying power in the office of prime minister. He breathed his last but his legacy remains.  相似文献   

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In May 2001, a cabinet crisis management center was set up below the prime minister's new official residence. It is from here that Japan's national crises are now to be managed. In an era of constant flux, questions over the circumstances surrounding Japan's strategic security are being raised. Clearly, the structure of crisis management and legislation are crucial for a nation'ssecurity. In this article, Lt. Gen. Toshiyuki Shikata of the Japan Ground Self-Defense Force (retired) and professor of Law at Teikyo University, examines 30 international and domestic crises that Japan had to deal with in which the leadership of the prime minister determined the outcome. He describes the history of Japanese crisis management, pointing out the current problems and argues that in a post-Cold War era, Japan needs to confront the discrepancies in the structure of its security if it wishes to become a credible member of the international community.  相似文献   

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The comparative study of electioneering is an emerging field. One of its driving concerns has been to chart the Americanisation or convergence of campaigning methods employed in very different settings. Sometimes the assumption is made that this convergence began with the recognition - first in the USA - that winning elections demands the skilful use of television. A comparison of the early use of radio in election campaigns in Australia and Canada demonstrates that the Americanisation of campaigning pre-dates the advent of television. There are clearly gaps in what is known about the early use of the wireless for political broadcasting in Australia. However in 1923-24 E.R. Voigt visited the US and, on his return, urged the NSW Trades Hall to establish 2KY for propaganda purposes. In the 1930s the NSW Labor leader Jack Lang was quick to adopt the fire-side chat formula devised for Franklin Roosevelt. In the 1940s R.G. Menzies, the founder of the Liberal Party, also came to see radio as a powerful weapon after observing its political use in USA. Not surprisingly the 1949 Liberal campaign which returned Menzies to power made extensive use of radio. It is often remembered for its John Henry Austral radio ads which are claimed as a breakthrough, but which appear to imitate earlier US and Canadian election campaigns - notably the Canadian Tories Mr Sage broadcasts of 1935.  相似文献   

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Abstract

In an attempt to publish some reviews sooner after material comes out, the Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars has added this section of short reviews of individual books, movies, TV series, and so on. For more information about short reviews as well as review essays, see the introduction to the list of books to review on p. 92 of this issue.  相似文献   

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A Matter of Honor: Pearl Harbor: Betrayal, Blame, and a Family's Quest for Justice. By Anthony Summers and Robbyn Swan (New York: HarperCollins, 2016), pp. xvi + 521. US$35.00. Countdown to Pearl Harbor: The Twelve Days to the Attack. By Steve Twomey (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2016), pp. xvi + 368. US$30.00.  相似文献   

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For many people after the First World War, the classical world of Greece and Rome provided a language of commemoration; those who fought on Gallipoli were often keen to see parallels with the Trojan war of 3,000 years earlier. Charles Bean, Australia's classically-educated war correspondent, Official Historian, and chief visionary behind the Australian War Memorial, was as imbued with the classics as any. What is striking, however, is that Bean largely ignored parallels with Troy, focusing instead almost exclusively on fifth-century BC Athens. Bean wanted more than a language of commemoration; he desired an historical backdrop which would emphasise the place in history of the Australian Imperial Force (AIF). Only the Athenians could provide a fitting parallel for the youthful democracy of Australia.  相似文献   

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