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国家与社会关系分离程度较低,国家的相对自主程度在某种程度上超越社会的限度或制约,统治也就成为政府管理的基本实现形式。政府的失效与市场的失败出现,治理理论应运而生。从取向而言,政府治理所依赖的国家与社会的关系体现在:国家存在于社会;国家受制于社会;国家统一于社会。政府管理方式由统治方式向治理方式转变必须以国家与社会关系的调整变化为基础:从两者合一到两者分离的转变;从两者的分离到两者的合作。 相似文献
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Michael Dyer 《Political studies》2001,49(1):30-50
This article considers the decline of Scottish Conservatism, 1951–97. The statistical data indicate that 91 percent of the variance in Tory support is accounted for by an underlying negative trend against time, that similar patterns appear when the data is disaggregated by region, and that short-term fluctuations have been more in conformity with English results than is conventionally understood. The process of generational change is seen as a waning of the cultural conditions which produced the centre-right coalition that dominated Scottish politics, 1931–64, and its fragmentation into Conservatism, Liberalism, and Scottish Nationalism. The changed circumstances are not seen as peculiarly Scottish, but the consequences for Scottish Conservatism of an evolution affecting the centre-right across the United Kingdom. 相似文献
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Journal of Chinese Political Science - 相似文献
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ROSS RUBENSTEIN SONALI BALLAL LEANNA STIEFEL AMY ELLEN SCHWARTZ 《Public Budgeting & Finance》2008,28(3):1-22
Using an 11‐year panel data set containing information on revenues, expenditures, and demographics for every school district in the United States, we examine the effects of state‐adopted school accountability systems on the adequacy and equity of school resources. We find little relationship between state implementation of accountability systems and changes in school finance equity, though we do find evidence that states in which courts overturned the school finance system during the decade exhibited significant equity improvements. Additionally, while implementation of accountability per se does not appear linked to changes in resource adequacy, states that implemented strong accountability systems did experience improvements. 相似文献
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Fiscal caps, the most common form of fiscal limit adopted during the tax revolt era, are again on the agendas of state government. In this article, we evaluate the claims made by cap supporters and opponents by examining the impacts of caps adopted during the tax revolt. Updating Lowery and Cox's (1990) analysis of the impact of state fiscal caps through 1991 using a comparative state, interrupted time-series design, we find some evidence—albeit very weak—that fiscal caps may have modestly reduced the size of government and no evidence that they have been evaded through budget end-runs. 相似文献
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嬗变与重构:新中国成立以来公共服务模式转型分析 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
李春 《四川行政学院学报》2010,(1):24-27
公共服务是国家与政府的基本职能,是政权合法性的基础。新中国成立以来,公共服务模式经历了从"集权熔合—公平至上"型模式向"解制分立—效率优先"型模式,并最终向"多元竞合—均等共享"型模式嬗变的历程。模式转型意味着其内在价值理念、制度设计以及技术选择的革新。回溯中国公共服务模式转型历程,有助于在中国语境下解析公共服务模式的转型,探寻其进一步创新的现实路径,包括政府、市场和社会之间关系边界的重塑、政府角色的合理定位以及政府与公民关系的重构。 相似文献
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Journal of Chinese Political Science - 相似文献
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This article demonstrates the impact of public officials’ corruption on the size and allocation of U.S. state spending. Extending two theories of “excessive” government expansion, the authors argue that public officials’ corruption should cause state spending to be artificially elevated. Corruption increased state spending over the period 1997–2008. During that time, the 10 most corrupt states could have reduced their total annual expenditure by an average of $1,308 per capita—5.2 percent of the mean per capita state expenditure—if corruption had been at the average level of the states. Moreover, at the expense of social sectors, corruption is likely to distort states’ public resource allocations in favor of higher‐potential “bribe‐generating” spending and items directly beneficial to public officials, such as capital, construction, highways, borrowing, and total salaries and wages. The authors use an objective, concrete, and consistent measurement of corruption, the number of convictions. 相似文献