Iran's foreign-policy agenda

The surprise election of Mohammed Khatami as President of Iran on 23 May 1997 has prompted much speculation about a change in the country’s domestic agenda. Change in Iran’s foreign-policy agenda is likely to be determined by internal rivalries between moderates and radicals and by the reactions of Iran’s neighbours to the new President’s moves. Although Khatami’s freedom of manoeuvre is limited, modest improvements in relations with pro-Western Saudi Arabia and Egypt might eventually herald some movement in Iran’s relations with the US.     

Iran's missile development

Iran's active approach to rocket development was illustrated by the November 2008 test firing of a new missile, the Sajjil. A solid-fuel rocket with a range of 1,800 kilometres, the Sajjil suggests an advance in Iran's missile capabilities. However, significant progress would take years to come to fruition and would need to be demonstrated in many further tests.     

Iran's nuclear agreement: the terms

If faithfully implemented, the agreement reached on 14 July will put off the threat of a nuclear weapon for 15 years, and remove Iran from its economic and political isolation.     

Iran's Rouhani: high hopes,narrow remit

The Ukraine conflict has been pushed into a new phase by elections in separatist-controlled Donetsk and Luhansk. In spite of attempts to achieve a ceasefire, a renewal of hostilities is possible at any point in the coming months.     

Iran's active neutrality during the Kuwaiti crisis: Reasons and ramifications

Abstract

Since the death of Ayatollah Khomeini in 1989, Iranian foreign policy has become increasingly moderate. Iran's active neutrality during the Iraqi occupation of Kuwait is symptomatic of this moderation. The policy of active neutrality became possible because Rafsanjani centralized the foreign policy decision‐making process before the start of the crisis and introduced his “new‐thinking” in the Persian Gulf. This new thinking was a part of his strategy to rebuild Iran's shattered economy and to improve relations with the West and with the Arabs of the Persian Gulf.

Without a single shot and without any casualty, Iran benefited enormously from the Kuwaiti war. Rafsanjani's domestic opponents were weakened. Iranian financial gains were significant. Iran's negative image improved. Relations improved with the West and with the Arab nations of the region. And the military and economic infrastructures of Iraq, Iran's archenemy, were seriously damaged, making Iran the region's most powerful indigenous force.

This article is partially based on interviews with Iranian policy‐makers conducted in 1991.     

The Populist Challenge

Populism has been on the rise for some time in Europe now, and its rise has been one of the key concerns of Peter Mair. He has linked it to the increasing erosion of the representative function of European party systems. The spectre that haunted him was ‘partyless democracy’, a democratic regime where parties had lost their representative function, which opened the door for unmediated populist protest. While largely sharing his interpretation of the overall structural trends giving rise to the populist challenges in Western Europe, the article is critical of the static character of his assessment. It suggests that there are three forms of ‘protest populism’, all of which may eventually end up transforming the West European party systems in the name of the new structuring conflicts that characterise contemporary European societies. In addition, it proposes to extend the scope of Peter’s argument to the less established democracies of Central and Eastern Europe.     

挑战与回应——全球化背景下公共行政变革的生态学解析

本以全球化为背景，以行政生态学为分析框架，集中探讨了全球化趋势对政府公共行政的挑战和需求，梳理和总结了当代西方国家政府面对全球化的挑战而作出的回应性行政改革，同时指出对中国政府行政改革的借鉴。     

The Challenge to Party Government

At a time when the literature on political parties is brimming with health and vitality, the parties themselves seem to be experiencing potentially severe legitimacy problems and to be suffering from a quite massive withdrawal of popular support and affection. This article addresses one key aspect of the problems facing contemporary parties in Europe, which is the challenge to party government. I begin by reviewing the changing pattern of party competition, in which I discuss the decline of partisanship in policy-making and the convergence of parties into a mainstream consensus. I then look again at the familiar ‘parties-do-matter’ thesis and at the evidence for declining partisanship within the electorate. In the third section of the paper I explore the various attempts to specify the conditions for party government, before going on in the final section to argue that these conditions have been undermined in such a way that it is now almost impossible to imagine party government in contemporary Europe either functioning effectively or sustaining complete legitimacy.     

American Power: The Challenge Within

The main threat to continued American leadership abroad is social problems at home. These include poverty and the decline of the working class, both of them caused initially by falling levels of work and marriage. Policymakers have traditionally tried to counter these trends by changing social benefits and incentives, but the problems are really cultural, reflecting a decline in individualism. The best answer is more structured schools and social programs that promote the disciplines essential to a free society, especially working. Immigration should also be reduced and more money spent on education, to promote assimilation. Despite Donald Trump’s election, consensus has built supporting such measures.     

The Immediate Challenge Regarding COAG Reform

Federalism presented an attractive model for young Australia. Preserving the autonomy of colonies through the retention of state governments and the establishment of a bicameral Commonwealth parliament with a 'states' house' helped to counter the suspicion of central government. But as a system of government, federalism requires coordination and cooperation between the layers of government. In the history of Australia's federation there are examples that show times of strong cooperation and coordination between the states and the Commonwealth. However more and more, our federation does not enjoy cooperation or coordination on issues of vital importance to all Australians. I believe it is time to look at the way our system of federalism works. We require a mechanism to facilitate coordination and cooperation between the layers of government.     

Multilateral Nuclear Disarmament

Although the political salience of nuclear disarmament has fallen dramatically since the end of the Cold War, the threat posed by nuclear weapons today remains at least as great as it was before 1989. The growing number of states either armed with or actively developing nuclear weapons programmes has placed existing control and monitoring frameworks under strain. In this article, Baroness Williams, a long time campaigner for multilateral nuclear disarmament, discusses the nature of today's nuclear threat and particularly the political challenge presented by states whose behaviour is not predictable. If further proliferation is to be prevented, the international community must renew its efforts at implementing a robust regime of control. The IAEA must be given the authority and the resources necessary to conduct inspections anywhere in the world without prior warning. At the same time, the world's nuclear states powers must begin genuine efforts at disarmament.     

Powerful Connections and the Challenge of Change

This is an edited version of the 2002 Garran Oration presented to the National Conference held in Adelaide on 13 November 2002. Dr Hetzel indicated in his address that he was pleased to respond to the challenge of the conference title 'Powerful Connections' but added 'and the Challenge of Change'. Dr Hetzel was joined in the Garran Oration by Mr James Fitzpatrick who delivered an address in verse (see Conference Papers 'Powerful Connections', 13–16 November 2002, IPAA).