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Elaigwu  Jonas Isawa 《Publius》1991,21(4):125-144
National leaders in Nigeria, most of whom have come from themilitary, have exhibited various leadership styles. These stylesboth affect and are affected by Nigeria's federal system ofgovernment. Successful leaders appear to exercise a reconciliationstyle coupled with a mobilizational capacity to institute change.Efforts to impose a unitary system on Nigeria have failed, butseveral leaders have strengthened the power of the federal government,in part through the seemingly paradoxical strategy of creatingmore states. The return to civilian government, however, willrequire a new basis of legitimacy for national leadership rootedin constitutionalism and a democratic party system.  相似文献   

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Renzsch  Wolfgang 《Publius》1989,19(4):17-33
A German national state was founded comparatively late in themodern era. In 1871 the German princes formed the German Empire.Unde Prussian hegemony, the Empire remained dependent on itsmember states. The constitution of the Weimer Republic of 1919turned the relations between the federation and the states upsidedown. The Länder, as the constituent states close to beinga decentralized unitary state. The Nazi regime centralizd it.After World War II, the West Germans and the Western Alliesagreed on forming a federal type of government. There was, however,controversy about the kind of federalism to be established.The West German Basic Law retained the tradition of a secondfederal parliamentary chamber in which the Land governmentsare represented. Sovereignty is shared and exercised jointlyby the federation and the Länder in most domestic policyfields.  相似文献   

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McGuinn  Patrick 《Publius》2005,35(1):41-68
The 2002 No Child Left Behind (NCLB) law dramatically reshapedthe federal role in K-12 education in the United States. Theimplementation of NCLB has been difficult and contentious, butmuch of the journalistic and scholarly coverage has underestimatedthe source, strength, and stability of the political coalitionthat originally pushed for passage of the law and appears likelyto sustain federal activism in education for the long term.For much of American history, the principle of federalism exerteda powerful restraining influence on the size and character ofthe federal role in education—but that time appears tohave passed. Regardless of whether NCLB ultimately improvesschools or student achievement, the law has created a new educationalfederalism in the United States.  相似文献   

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Nicholson-Crotty  Sean 《Publius》2008,38(2):295-314
Scholars have challenged the notion of "political safeguardsof federalism" in a large and well-developed body of work onthe use of coercive policy tools by the federal government.This study suggests, however, that there may be some utilityin re-examining the political factors that help to constrainthe growth of national power. Specifically, it argues that theneed to win votes from subnational constituencies makes nationallawmakers less supportive of mandates, preemptions, and taxsanctions during election cycles and, thus, provides an intermittentsafeguard of state authority. It tests and finds evidence forhypotheses related to that general argument in analyses of thepassage of coercive federalist policies over the last thirtyyears.  相似文献   

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Breton  Albert 《Publius》2000,30(2):1-16
The benefits and costs usually ascribed to federalism are benefitsand costs of decentralization; they are, therefore, presentin unitary states that are in fact all decentralized. The benefitsand costs specific to federalism pertain to ownership rightsin constitutional powers. Federalism is superior to confederalismand unitarianism because the ownership rights peculiar to thatsystem of government are such that they ensure the perduranceof competition when one or more competitors are unsuccessful.They do so because under federalism, powers cannot be repossessedunilaterally. Ownership rights have to be enforced; as a consequence,there are also costs that are specific to federalism.  相似文献   

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Peterson  Paul 《Publius》1985,15(1):23-30
Vincent Ostrom's analysis of The Federalist's understandingof federalism fails to consider the historical and theoreticalcontext of The Federalist's arguments. Ostrom takes certainrhetorical devices of The Federalist too much at face value.He correctly sees that the authors of The Federalist view eighteenth-centuryfederalism as bad government. He incorrectly concludes thatsince it is bad government, that understanding could not havebeen the true meaning of federalism. The Federalist understandseighteenth-century federalism to be "the true meaning" of federalismas established by the political discourse of the times. TheConstitution departs radically from eighteenth-century federalism,but The Federalist seeks to conceal how radical the departureis, in part, by offering a looser definition of federalism thatwill allow the Constitution to be characterized as a federalsystem. A consideration of the writings of the opponents tothe Constitution suggests the limited success of this attemptat redefinition.  相似文献   

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Conlan  Timothy J. 《Publius》1986,16(1):29-48
Ronald Reagan has made revitalizing federalism a central componentof his domestic agenda. Although this goal has sometimes complementedhis other policy aims, this article focuses on cases where conflictshave arisen between the president's devolutionary goals andother primary objectives of his administration, such as deregulatingthe private sector and reducing domestic expenditures. Judgedfrom this perspective, policies supportive of federalism, asdefined by the president, have fared less well in his administration.After a series of brief case studies analyzing such policy decisions,the implications for the future of federalism are discussed.  相似文献   

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Mading  Heinrich 《Publius》1989,19(4):115-131
In 1969 demands for greater rationality in education planninggave rise to new institutionalized forms of cooperation betweenthe federation and the Länder. Conflicts between the federaland Land governments, partisan conflicts, and financial conflictsoverlapped this cooperation. Despite the fact that the formalcapacity for dealing with conflicts had many shortcomings, ajoint general plan for education was issued in 1973 as a resultof favorable economic and political conditions. However, in1978 the federal government failed in its attempt to utilizethe dissatisfaction with the existing system of cooperationto extend its responsibilities for education. The deteriorationin economic and political conditions led to an end of effortsto formulate a general plan for education in 1982 and reducedthe scale of joint activities. Forms of educational cooperationbetween the federation and the Länder still exist, butthey no longer fulfill their original purpose. The centralizationof decisionmaking, which was originally expected, never cameinto being.  相似文献   

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Abstract

Recent years have seen major advances in the comparative study of federalism and a growing literature on decentralization in Africa, but there has been surprisingly little systematic comparison of African federalism. This article explains several commonalities in the origins and operation of Africa's three main federal states: Ethiopia, Nigeria and South Africa. Each country used ‘holding-together’ federalism in order to accommodate ethnic pluralism. Each country—especially Ethiopia and South Africa—also experienced several key centripetal forces: dominant governing parties, top-down state administration and high degrees of fiscal centralism. Federalism mattered in offering accommodative decentralization, but in its operation subnational governments have limited autonomy because of these interlocking centralizing features. This African variant of federalism can have certain salutary features, even as it precludes the possibility of many of the theorized advantages of federalism that are predicated on real subnational autonomy.  相似文献   

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In recent years, many states in the U.S. have substantiallyreinvented their Medicaid programs through the unprecedenteduse of federal waivers. This article focuses on 1915c programwaivers, which gave states the opportunity to overcome Medicaid'sinstitutional bias by offering more home and community-basedservices. The use of this tool has fueled deinstitutionalizationand other program changes. It reflects the rise of executivefederalism—the growing tendency for major program decisionsto shift from the legislative arena to the executive branchof the national and state governments. By functioning as licenses,the 1915c waivers take devolution via the administrative processto new levels. The proliferation of these waivers suggests aneed to revise prior conceptions of federal–state relations,such as picket fence federalism.  相似文献   

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Democracy by Competition: Referenda and Federalism in Switzerland   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
Frey  Bruno S.; Bohnet  Iris 《Publius》1993,23(2):71-81
Competition is not only a prerequisite for the successful workingof economics but also of political coordination systems. Weargue that popular referenda and federalism are the key factorsin maintaining competition in the political arena. Competitiveeconomic or political markets require free entry and exit andthe absence of regulations that prevent suppliers from beingsuccessful with the best product-be it goods or services inthe form of policies-and prevent citizens from choosing freely.  相似文献   

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This article applies Fuzzy Set Qualitative Comparative Analysis to examine how sub-national education systems affect the extent of social inequality in education within the German federal states. Variations in educational outcomes between the federal states can be primarily attributed to the strict educational decentralization in Germany. We examine four conditions of regional education systems presumed to be relevant for the extent of social inequality in education: the availability of early childhood education, the development of all-day schools, the onset of tracking to different school types, and the degree of tripartition in secondary education. Altogether, we find systematic relationships between the variation of sub-national education systems and the extent of social inequality in education. The results indicate that well-developed early childhood education is necessary for a low degree of educational inequality. However, educational inequality is not directly related to partisan and socioeconomic determinants.  相似文献   

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Palley  Howard A. 《Publius》2006,36(4):565-586
The Canada Health Act requires provinces and territories toprovide medically necessary services and to provide equal accessto such services. Since 1995, the governing Liberal Party hasissued statements indicating that it views abortion servicesas medically necessary services. Yet the operation of healthdelivery systems in Canada is primarily reserved for the provincesand territories. Provincial and territorial access to abortionservices is significantly affected by bottom-up political implementation,where national policy is often undermined and "trumped" by thepolitics and pressures operative within provincial and territorialpolitical systems and by other intense interest group pressures.  相似文献   

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Veasey  R. Lawson 《Publius》1988,18(1):61-77
This article examines the relationship between the federal andstate governments with regard to the Reagan administration'sNew Federalism. The underlying concern centers on the financialrelationship among governments portrayed by Elazar's typologyof federal aid. The focus of this investigation is directedtoward the adjustments being made by the states to accommodatethe financial and administrative changes occurring on the nationallevel, as illustrated by the case of Arkansas. The analysiscenters on two questions: 1) Has the New Federalism initiativeachieved Reagan's goals of decentralizing governmental authorityback to the states? 2) Has a major redirection in the federalsystem been achieved by reducing the federal financial obligationin the intergovernmental system? The changes being made in thefederal system, as reflected by the adjustments occurring amongthe states, may signal an important realignment of federalism.  相似文献   

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The recent rediscovery of federalism has left the nation's governors with expanded responsibility and limited federal support. In return, they were promised greater fiscal flexibility, a real partnership in program design, and protection from unfunded mandates. However, states seem unwilling to offer the same guarantees to their cities that they sought from the federal government, even as they expand city responsibilities and limit state aid. This paper explores the extent to which Virginia, New Jersey and Florida have provided the fiscal flexibility and partnership, except in the area of economic development, but the diminished fiscal capacity of some distressed communities relative to their suburban counterparts render them unable to benefit from such efforts.  相似文献   

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The articles for this symposium address federal, state, andlocal relationships in surface-transportation programs. Theseprograms support access to and mobility within specific locations,but the benefits do not uniquely belong to any one politicaljurisdiction. Transportation investments link jurisdictionsand produce dynamic interactions among them that both followand create strong competitive economic, land-development, intergovernmental,and political forces.  相似文献   

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