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1.
This article reports on a recent survey designed to capture understandings of cyberterrorism across the global research community. Specifically, it explores competing views, and the importance thereof, amongst 118 respondents on three definitional issues: (a) the need for a specific definition of cyberterrorism for either policymakers or researchers; (b) the core characteristics or constituent parts of this concept; and (c) the value of applying the term “cyberterrorism” to a range of actual or potential scenarios. The article concludes by arguing that while a majority of researchers believe a specific definition of cyberterrorism is necessary for academics and policymakers, disagreement around what this might look like has additional potential to stimulate a rethinking of terrorism more widely.  相似文献   

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While there is much debate about the merits of dichotomous versus continuous measures of democracy, surprisingly little attention is paid to the question as to how to go from degree to dichotomy. This study identifies no less than 38 different ways in which Freedom House and Polity scores have been used to distinguish between democracies and non-democracies. The analysis shows that it is difficult to draw the line in measures of democracy, even for Freedom House and Polity themselves. These problems are illustrated with the help of a recent study on democratization in Africa. The conclusion formulates some guidelines for good practice and points at the potential of disaggregated scores to distinguish between democracy and dictatorship.  相似文献   

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The promotion of democracy abroad was a much published issue in ‘European’ foreign policy during the 1990s. Based on five case studies, this article argues that the policy had very clear limitations to it. The limits were mainly imposed by the high priority given to security, and secondly they were the result of the institutional structure and the political‐bureaucratic culture of the European Community. However, it would be wrong to conclude that the policy declarations on democracy were not important to the European Community/European Union and to the member states. The issue was definitely important, but that was because it served other purposes. First, the promotion of democracy abroad was conceived as one among a number of instruments promoting European security in the post‐cold war era. Secondly, promotion of democracy internationally contributed to the higher profile in world affairs that Europe had sought since 1958. And thirdly, this international profile might have pushed the integration process forward within Europe.  相似文献   

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The conventional wisdom about local TV news is that quality journalism does not sell and that only by focusing on crime, disasters, and other “soft news” can newscasts get good ratings. Political scientists have decried the poor quality of TV news as a betrayal of the press's mandate to inform citizens of the important policy issues of the day so that they can hold government officials accountable. This study tests the proposition that audiences prefer low effort, tabloid journalism by looking at external measures of commercial success—the Nielsen ratings data. Utilizing data from a 5‐year study matching the content quality of 33,911 local news stories from 154 TV stations in 50 TV markets nationwide to corresponding ratings success, we show that solid reporting and a focus on significant issues actually produce better ratings than slapdash or superficial tabloid journalism. Additionally, we find that strategy-oriented coverage of political campaigns that focuses on the horserace does not build an audience. These surprising results have practical implications for democratic practice and local TV news production.  相似文献   

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Party system institutionalization has been analyzed as a key variable supporting democratic consolidation and governability in Latin America. In this article the concept is applied to the case of Mexico, which completed its democratic transition following the elections of July 2000. The framework developed by Scott Mainwaring and Tim Scully in particular is assessed against evidence from the developing Mexican party system. The article addresses the question of whether the institutionalized single party regime has been supplanted by an institutionalized democratic regime. Although on some comparative measures the Mexican system does not appear to be securely institutionalized, this has much to do with the flux associated with deinstitutionalizing a hegemonic system. By examining the issues of volatility, party 'rootedness' and legitimacy, there are good grounds for believing that the Mexican system evinces substantive stability in the patterns of interaction between parties.  相似文献   

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This article focuses on the institutional and political constraints to the adoption and implementation of second‐generation economic reforms in democratizing countries, specifically Argentina. The principal hypothesis is that these reforms require a different set of political conditions from those that enabled the successful adoption and implementation of first generation economic reforms. Institutional constraints hamper the adoption of second‐generation reforms, due both to their intrinsic characteristics and the context of stability in which the attempts arise. This contrasts with first‐generation reforms, whose nature and the surrounding context of crisis allows governments to overcome the constraints to change by pursuing a decisionist strategy. The separation of powers and purposes embodied in the Argentine institutional structure increases the number of veto points through which a plethora of discordant voices is reproduced. Rather than facilitating consensus on change, the outcome is more likely to be stalemate or lengthy negotiations, in which actors ensure that their private interests prevail. The politics of labour and fiscal reforms in Argentina illustrate the argument. The study has implications for the stereotype of ‘delegative democracy’, of which Argentina is often said to be an example.  相似文献   

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This article focuses on the Marxist characteristics of North Korea in its interpretation of human rights. The author's main argument is that many Marxist features pre-existed in Korea. Complying with Marxist orthodoxy, North Korea is fundamentally hostile to the notion of human rights in capitalist society, which existed in the pre-modern Donghak (Eastern Learning) ideology. Rights are strictly contingent upon one's class status in North Korea. However, the peasants' rebellion in pre-modern Korea was based on class consciousness against the ruling class. The supremacy of collective interests sees individual claims for human rights as selfish egoism, which was prevalent in Confucian ethics. The prioritization of subsistence rights and material welfare over civil and political rights was also the foremost important duty of the benevolent Confucian king. Finally, unlike Marx's reluctant use of the language of ‘duties’, rights are the offspring of citizens' duties in North Korean human rights discourse.  相似文献   

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ImpresionsofaVisittoAustriabyHeYuchunInNovember1997,a5-memberdelegationofCAFIUledbyVice-PresidentLiYiningvisitedAustria.Ithap...  相似文献   

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Dov  Waxman 《国际研究展望》2009,10(1):1-17
The prevailing opinion that the Bush administration took the United States to war against Iraq in March 2003 under false pretenses has led many to believe that Israel's security was the secret rationale for the war. According to this "war for Israel" thesis, neoconservative policymakers in the Bush administration, the pro-Israel lobby in the United States, and Israel's government all pushed the United States to go to war with Iraq for the sake of Israel's security. This article critically assesses this controversial claim and examines Israel's role in the U.S. decision to invade Iraq. I argued that while neoconservatives were instrumental in promoting the Iraq war, Israel was not their primary concern and that although American Jewish organizations and the Israeli government did largely support the Iraq war, they did not seek it or actively lobby for it.  相似文献   

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China and the United States have just experienced political transitions that allow the leaders of both countries to focus on bilateral relations free from the pressures of domestic political campaigns. But the domestic politics of the bilateral relationship inside each country are, like the structural tensions between the established power and the rising challenger, intensifying, as Washington takes new steps to assert its primacy in Asia and Beijing works to edge America out of its neighbourhood. US-China relations are likely to be less stable and more prone to conflict over President Obama’s second term, unless the two nations can arrive at a modus vivendi to keep the peace in Asia. The challenge is that such an entente likely requires the kind of political change in China its leaders seem determined to block for fear of the threat it would pose to their own legitimacy. The reverberations of a relationship that is conflict-prone, but in which conflict holds such downside risks for both countries, will be felt well beyond Asia.  相似文献   

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June(1) June 2, CAFIU Secretary- General Mr. XuJianguo respectively met with Mr. Eyassu Dalle,Minister- Counsellor of the Ethiopian Embassy toChina and the Australian friend Mr. Kollberg.(2) June 2- 9, at the invitation of CAFIU, the 4-member Iran News Delegation headed by Mr. Mo-hammad Soltanifar, Head of the Iran News visitedChina. In Beijing, Mr. Li Chengren, ExecutiveVice- President of CAFIU met with the delegation.The delegation called upon the China Daily, Xin-hua Ne…  相似文献   

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In 2010, the inaugural ASEAN Defense Ministers Meeting Plus (ADMM-Plus) attracted the world's attention, bringing awareness to ASEAN's new role as a regional entity with increasing defense characteristics. The meeting marked a milestone in ASEAN's multilateral efforts to enhance defense cooperation.  相似文献   

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M arch(1) M arch 2, CA FIU Secretary-G eneralM r. X uJianguo m et w ith som e m em ber of the JapaneseA kum a no H osyoku (The D evil's G luttony)C horus.(2)M arch 4-8,at the invitation ofC A FIU ,the 9-m em ber Japanese M edia D elegation headed by M r.Toshikawa Takao,E ditor-in-Chief of the Sidelinevisited China.In Beijing,C A FIU A dvisor M m e.LiShuzheng m et with the delegation.M r.Li C hen-gren, E xecutive V ice-President of CA FIU heldtalk with the delegation. The …  相似文献   

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June1May28-June5attheinvitationofCAFIUthe10-memberdelegationoftheInstituteoftheInter-nationalRelationsoftheJorgeWashingtonUniver-sityofAmericaheadedbyProf.DavidShambaughDirectoroftheChinaPolicyProgrampaidavisittoChina.2May29-June17attheinvitationofCAFIUthe6-memberAustralianRotarydelegationpaidavisittoChina.InBeijingExecutiveVice-Presi-dentofCAFIUMr.LiChengrenmetwiththedel-egationandexpressedhisthankstothemfortheiroutstandingcontributionforthepoverty-alleviationinChina'simpover…  相似文献   

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June(1) June 2, CAFIU sent a message to Japan-China Friendship Association (JCFA) extending its gratitude for JCFA’s sympathy and solicitude for  相似文献   

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