共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 0 毫秒
1.
《Journal of common market studies》2018,56(4):971-988
The present article argues that the current crisis of the European Union (EU) is much deeper and more profound than many EU officials and analysts care to admit. Taking the so‐called sovereign debt crisis and the refugee crisis as illustrative case studies it is argued that the crisis needs to be reframed as a Complex Adaptive System which is self‐organizing in a deeply incoherent manner and which current EU policies are not only not addressing but exacerbating. As an alternative, the article suggests using Adaptive Action as a framework to identify the conditions which sustain the current dysfunctionality of the European Union and makes concrete suggestions on how these conditions can be altered. Areas of further research are also identified. 相似文献
2.
Since the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty in 2009, the European Union (EU) has spent considerable time and energy on defining and refining its comprehensive approach to external conflicts. The knock-on effects of new and protracted crises, from the war in Ukraine to the multi-faceted armed conflicts in the Sahel and the wider Middle East, have made the improvement of external crisis-response capacities a top priority. But has the EU managed to plug the capability–expectations gap, and develop an effective, comprehensive and conflict sensitive crisis-response capability? Drawing on institutional theory and an approach developed by March and Olsen, this article analyses whether the EU has the administrative capacities needed in order to be an effective actor in this area and implement a policy in line with the established goals and objectives identified in its comprehensive approach. 相似文献
3.
欧洲主权债务危机的反思及其对东亚货币合作的启示 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
始于希腊波及欧洲多国的欧洲主权债务危机,不仅威胁欧元区的经济复苏,使欧元区的内在弊端暴露无遗,而且还引发人们对欧洲一体化进程和最优货币区理论的反思,为其他地区经济货币合作特别是东亚货币合作提供诸多启示。 相似文献
4.
Gabriel Goodliffe 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2013,48(4):1-16
The failure of the Los Cabos summit to satisfactorily address the European sovereign debt crisis and ominous world economic outlook, let alone agree on concrete measures to improve the oversight and functioning of the global economy, appears to confirm the diminishing effectiveness and relevance of the G20 as an organ of international governance since its inception in December 2008. While few accomplishments were achieved in the area of global governance during the Mexican presidency, acute collective action problems, made worse by the present economic crisis, paralysed the G20 in the lead-up to and during the Los Cabos summit. These collective action problems and the ensuing failure of global governance are attributable to the absence of leadership evident at both the global and European levels, which in turn testifies to the excessive dispersion of state economic and political power within the international system. 相似文献
5.
David Schfer 《Journal of common market studies》2016,54(4):961-980
The establishment of the EU banking union reveals two major shortcomings of liberal intergovernmentalism. First, it fails to explain the preference formation of the most important actor – the German government. The banking sector was divided between public and private banks, and there is no clear‐cut pattern about whose interests the German government promoted. Second, material bargaining power cannot account for German concessions despite favourable power asymmetries. This article seeks to demonstrate how an ideational frame can convincingly fill these gaps. Ordoliberal ideas were constitutive for German preferences. The manipulative use of ideas as strategic resources by the German government's opponents explains why it made significant concessions. Germany's government publicly acknowledged that breaking the ‘vicious circle’ between banks and sovereigns was the main objective of the banking union. This became a rhetorical trap used by a coalition of Southern European member states to force the German government to make concessions. 相似文献
6.
Emmanuel Mourlon‐Druol 《Journal of common market studies》2016,54(4):913-927
This article shows that planning for the organization of EU banking regulation and supervision did not just appear on the agenda in recent years with discussions over the creation of the eurozone banking union. It unveils a hitherto neglected initiative of the European Commission in the 1960s and early 1970s. Drawing on extensive archival work, this article explains that this initiative, however, rested on a number of different assumptions, and emerged in a much different context. It first explains that the Commission's initial project was not crisis‐driven; that it articulated the link between monetary integration and banking regulation; and finally that it did not set out to move the supervisory framework to the supranational level, unlike present‐day developments. 相似文献
7.
Clemens Fuest Friedrich Heinemann Christoph Schrder 《Journal of common market studies》2016,54(2):301-317
A mechanism to restructure the debt of an insolvent euro country is a missing element in the emerging institutional architecture of the euro area. The introduction of an insolvency procedure for sovereigns faces a dilemma: in the foreseeable future, its introduction would risk pushing Europe back into acute crisis; but the indefinite postponement of reform would impair the credibility of a future regime change. Against this background, this article reviews arguments and existing blueprints for sovereign insolvency procedures in the euro area and develops a Viable Insolvency Procedure for Sovereigns. This procedure avoids any sudden measures which could destabilize the present fragile situation but carefully designs an irreversible transition toward the new regime. The proposal comprises two pillars: an insolvency procedure for the long run and a credible bridge toward that system. 相似文献
8.
The Varieties of Capitalism literature offers two competing hypotheses on institutional resilience. One argues that globalization promotes convergence towards a neo‐liberal system. Another stipulates that diverse capitalist regimes promote different comparative advantages, enabling diverse political economies to co‐exist. In this article, we argue that the compatibility of diverse models of capitalism is contingent upon monetary regime. We examine how different currency regimes influence the mutual co‐existence of export‐led growth models (euro core) and domestic demand‐led growth models (euro periphery). Under EMU, we find that these two models have become increasing incompatible, as unsustainable divergences in external balances have emerged between them. We hypothesize that external imbalances between these two growth regimes did not emerge prior to EMU because of the presence of two inflation adjustment mechanisms in the real exchange rate; the nominal exchange rate (in soft currency regimes) and national central banks’ promotion of inflation convergence (in hard currency regimes). 相似文献
9.
Andrea Brandolini Francesca Carta Francesco D'Amuri 《Journal of common market studies》2016,54(5):1123-1141
Based on theoretical insights, this article identifies the broad characteristics that a shock absorber based on unemployment should have in order to be incentive‐compatible and politically feasible. It then empirically derives the combination of activation thresholds, experience rating, eligibility criteria and benefit generosity which define the systems offering the highest stabilization for given levels of redistribution. The analysis suggests that the shock absorber should: (1) give rise to macro cross‐national transfers, mimicking those that would be generated by a notional euro‐wide unemployment benefit scheme of minimal coverage and generosity, (2) be activated by a trigger and (3) feature partial experience rating. The simulation results, confirmed by robustness checks, show that even systems that do not redistribute resources between countries can have a non‐negligible stabilization impact in the medium run. Low benefit take‐up rates in southern Europe reduce the stabilization properties and the size of the scheme. 相似文献
10.
《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2012,47(1):30-48
This article considers the likely impact of the global crisis on the prospects for the European project. First, it considers the nature of the current crisis. It argues that it is comparable, in terms of its deep structural character, to the one in the 1930s. The crisis manifested itself first in the financial sector, but was caused by underlying problems of overaccumulation, which explains the succession of speculative booms and busts from the 1980s onward. The article then analyses how the financial crisis transmuted into the current sovereign debt crisis in Europe. It identifies a number of interdependent factors responsible for this: the bailouts of banks following the credit crisis; the stimulus programmes necessitated by the danger of a deep economic recession; the structural problems of the European Monetary Union leading to the accumulation of debt in the peripheral members; and finally the catalytic action of speculation in the financial markets. Finally, the article discusses responses to the debt crisis, outlining the contours of two alternatives (muddling through and Europeanisation), their implications, and some of the conditions for success. The conclusion is rather pessimistic: chances that an effective, timely and sustainable solution will be realised do not seem high. 相似文献
11.
Caroline Mcevoy 《Journal of common market studies》2016,54(5):1159-1174
Recent developments in EU (European Union) support literature confirm that citizen attitudes towards the EU are shaped by both input‐oriented factors relating to the procedural fairness of the system (e.g. political representation and identity) and output‐oriented factors based on the EU's capacity to yield economic benefits. This article builds on these models by suggesting a theoretical framework of support that is driven by both perceptions of the economy and political efficacy. Using data from the 2013 Eurobarometer 80.1, I find that political efficacy is a key predictor of public opinion towards the EU and that citizens who feel their voice is represented in the EU are more likely to maintain support for the EU even when their perceptions of the economy are poor. The findings in this article have particular significance to the puzzle of declining support for the EU following the onset of the ‘great recession’ in 2008. 相似文献
12.
The ongoing European economic crisis provides a focus for academics wishing to understand the relationship between major exogenous shocks and changes to environmental protection. Yet, measuring change, particularly to policies, is notoriously fraught with difficulties. This research note explores the conceptual and methodological challenges associated with capturing change in response to the economic crisis in Europe, specifically focusing upon the environment. The environment is typically touted as a European Union success story, but there is good reason to suspect that this policy sector may have been – and continues to be – negatively affected by the economic downturn. We suggest a toolkit of measures that can capture changes to this sector, and which may also be employed by researchers of other policy sectors. 相似文献
13.
Mattias Vermeiren 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2017,52(4):1-19
After the global financial crisis, economists have been downbeat about the growth prospects of the capitalist world economy, leading many to argue that we have re-entered a period of “secular stagnation”. The phenomenon of secular stagnation is intrinsically connected to the evolution of global macroeconomic imbalances. During the pre-crisis era of the “Great Moderation”, the widening of global and European trade imbalances temporarily alleviated the problem of secular stagnation by forging a symbiotic yet unsustainable relationship between debt-financed consumption-led growth models in deficit countries and export-led growth models in surplus countries. The re-surfacing of secular stagnation and the asymmetric adjustment of these imbalances after the crisis can both be traced back to the domestic political constraints experienced by many advanced market economies in trying to revive their pre-crisis growth models. 相似文献
14.
2007年爆发的美国次贷危机早已转变为席卷全球的国际金融危机。由于东盟四国的银行业正处在改革与调整时期,其银行业发展轨迹明显不同于其他国家和地区。东盟四国银行业系统的基本面良好,甚至在危机期间还逆势而行,主要得益于东盟四国在1997年东亚金融危机爆发之后所采取的一系列有效的改革措施及此次金融危机东盟四国政府所采取的积极应对举措。 相似文献
15.
Armin Steinbach 《Journal of common market studies》2015,53(5):1110-1125
This study identifies commonalities between two historical incidents of debt assumption – in the United States in 1791 and in present‐day Europe. By comparing the interests and behaviour of key players in these two incidents, we find three major parallels: first, in their strategic interactions, parties both for and against debt mutualization raise arguments based on notions of fairness and morality; second, in both historical episodes we find harsh rhetoric levelled against private creditors, who are derided as greedy speculators; third, bargaining is an essential element of the debt assumption process. Bargaining is directed toward limiting or expanding the scope of debt assumption. Further, bargaining typically leads to some form of conditionality imposed in order to increase the chances of the debts being repaid or to ensure benefits accrue to the parties assuming the debt. 相似文献
16.
This article traces the role of the EU institutions in setting up the European stability mechanism (ESM). There have been many scholarly assessments but few empirical reconstructions of decision‐making on the intergovernmental ESM and its predecessor the European financial stability facility. The instruments clearly constituted a step away from supranational entrepreneurship and the Community method. However, we question the intergovernmentalist interpretation in terms of institutional competition and decline. Using a historical analogy of the Delors model(s), we identify two types of institutional leadership and show how the ESM was characterized, first by an uneasy combination and then a shift from political championship to the engineering type of leadership. Using two case studies, we trace the negotiations for increasing the size and scope of the ESM. The analyses show that this was a bottom‐up process in which the institutions laid out the tracks and provided the link between the control room (European Council) and ‘machine room’ (Eurogroup/Eurogroup Working Group/ Task Force on Coordinated Action) proceedings. 相似文献
17.
《Journal of common market studies》2018,56(3):594-611
Does corruption influence trust in national institutions in the same way as trust in international institutions? Did this influence change over the economic crisis 2008? Using data from the European Social Survey, we examined the association between corruption and trust in national and European parliaments before and after the start of the Great Recession 2008. We found that over the Crisis, the effect of corruption on trust in national parliament became more negative than it was before 2008. We also discovered a positive association between corruption and trust in the EU before the Crisis. That is, states with a higher level of national corruption seem to have more trust in international institutions, such as the EU. However, this relationship disappears after 2008. Our findings contribute to the debates on the impact of corruption on trust in national and international institutions, and on the consequences of the Great Recession. 相似文献
18.
The European stability mechanism (ESM) is a permanent crisis resolution mechanism for euro area countries. We analysed the costs of the current ESM refinancing design and evaluated an alternative asset-backed securities (ABS) structure under different scenarios. Our simulation results indicate that switching to an ABS structure could substantially lower the ESM refinancing rate by up to 3.5 per cent. Moreover, the current structure severely limits the ESM's potential to stabilize financial markets. As an unintended consequence, the ESM is likely to act as a crisis accelerant rather than a stabilizer in the most likely case of requests for medium-sized financial support from distressed ESM members at a time when other ESM countries might be unwilling or unable to provide new capital. 相似文献
19.
This article examines the political economy and law of bank resolution in the case of Italy – specifically, its treatment of three failing banks – the Monte dei Paschi, Veneto and Vicenza banks – which were resolved in 2016–17. These three cases stand out for the relatively large degree of discretion exercised by the national resolution and state aid authorities, ultimately with the permission of their European counterparts. This article examines the motivations of Italian authorities in lobbying the Commission for leeway in applying the bank recovery and resolution directive and analyses the intricacies of the legal framework to underline the extent of discretion exercised by policy-makers. It concludes that the discretion visible in these three cases is not (entirely) contained within EU law, and that bending the law or turning a blind eye to infractions was key to understanding the EU approach to Italy. 相似文献
20.
Ferruccio Pastore Giulia Henry 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2016,51(1):44-57
Since 2013, the European migration and asylum regime has entered a phase of crisis, which reveals the deep interdependencies between its different components (including intra-EU mobility) and the unbalanced nature of its normative foundations. This original structural fragility had not fundamentally compromised the overall functioning of the regime until two major exogenous factors (the economic crisis, with its asymmetrical impact on the eurozone, and the wave of political instability and conflicts on the southern shore of the Mediterranean) brought its intrinsic limits to the point of rupture. The ongoing, highly contentious process of reform of the European migration and asylum regime is an unprecedented and crucially important test of the capacity of one the European Union’s key sectors to evolve under pressure and to adapt to a rapidly and deeply changing geopolitical, economic and demographic environment. 相似文献