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1.
Daniel Seikel 《Journal of common market studies》2016,54(6):1398-1416
This paper analyzes how the apparently merely technical introduction of reversed qualified majority voting for the excessive deficit procedure included in the Six Pack and the Fiscal Compact shifts not only the institutional balance between the European Commission and the Member States but also the relationship between liberalization and social regulation in the EU. In bringing together institutional analysis and a political economy perspective, the paper shows how the strengthening of the Commission's discretionary decision‐making authority in a context of intergovernmental power imbalances between debtor and creditor states extends the asymmetry between market‐making and market‐correction to the area of political decision‐making. In consequence, economic and social policies are subordinated to the primacy of austerity. 相似文献
2.
Pier Domenico Tortola 《Journal of common market studies》2020,58(3):501-513
The politicization of the European Central Bank (ECB) is a recurrent theme in debates on the EU after the crisis, yet it is one that still suffers from a considerable degree of vagueness. This is unfortunate as it hinders the development of useful discussions on the place and legitimacy of the ECB within Europe's institutional order. To tackle this problem, this article presents a systematic analysis of the concept of ECB politicization and an agenda for future research on this phenomenon. After reviewing existing uses of the term in the form of three dichotomies – politicization versus independence, impartiality, and convention – the article proposes an alternative, preference-based definition of politicization as a deviation from technocratic policy-making in the ECB. Building on this definition, the article then indicates three avenues for the empirical study of politicization centred, respectively, on elite interviews and surveys, the analysis of central bankers’ networks and the study of ECB language. 相似文献
3.
Hjalte Lokdam 《Journal of common market studies》2020,58(4):978-998
In the wake of the Euro crisis, the mission statement on the European Central Bank's (ECB) website was changed from ‘Our mission is to serve Europe's citizens’ to ‘Our mission is to serve the people of Europe’. This article situates this discursive shift within a broader change of the ECB's self-presentation in public discourses and explores its meaning in terms of political theory and public law. The article argues that the shift represents a response to the perceived necessity of reimagining the ECB's foundation of legitimate governmental authority following its exercise of emergency powers during the Euro crisis. The discourse emphasizes an organic link between the ECB and ‘the people of Europe’ as a political subject able to authorize previously unauthorized governmental practices such as the outright monetary transactions programme. It reflects, furthermore, a new governing philosophy that stresses flexibility and discretion rather than strict adherence to rules in the ECB's exercise of power. 相似文献
4.
欧洲主权债务危机的反思及其对东亚货币合作的启示 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
始于希腊波及欧洲多国的欧洲主权债务危机,不仅威胁欧元区的经济复苏,使欧元区的内在弊端暴露无遗,而且还引发人们对欧洲一体化进程和最优货币区理论的反思,为其他地区经济货币合作特别是东亚货币合作提供诸多启示。 相似文献
5.
Harold D. Lasswell 《政治交往》2013,30(2):107-125
This study of the main evening television news programs in four European countries focuses on the framing of news surrounding a major European event, the January 1, 1999, introduction of the common European currency, the euro. We investigated the visibility of political and economic news in general and of the launch of the euro in particular. We found variations across countries in the emphasis on political and economic news, with the proportion of the newscast normally devoted to these subjects ranging from 45% to 60%. Journalists in all countries were more likely to emphasize conflict (rather than economic consequences) in framing general political and economic news. In the coverage of the launch of the euro, there was a greater emphasis on framing the news in terms of economic consequences. The findings are discussed in terms of influences on framing practices internal and external to journalism and the value of the cross-national comparative approach. 相似文献
6.
《Journal of common market studies》2018,56(4):802-817
Preserving the trust of bond markets is crucial for the world's many indebted countries, but it is still unclear when and how national or international actors can contribute to this goal. We present a set of arguments addressing this question and test them on the case of the eurozone debt crisis. Distinguishing between actors' capacity and willingness to avoid defaults, we argue that the crisis was marked by a lack of capacity at the national level, and limited or uncertain willingness at the European level. Accordingly, we find that European‐level efforts to reassure markets had considerably stronger effects than similar efforts at the national level. Furthermore, national efforts appear to have mattered the least in countries with the least capacity. These findings are based on a comprehensive new dataset of political events and relevant news, and they hold across a number of robustness checks and placebo tests. 相似文献
7.
Lucas Schramm 《Journal of common market studies》2024,62(2):583-602
When does European co-operation and (further) integration not happen in the face of a major integration crisis? When do France and Germany not emerge as regional stabilizers, forging and uploading bilateral compromises to the European level? By developing a combined theoretical framework based on liberal intergovernmentalism and leadership approaches, this article analyses the European Economic Community's (EEC) reaction to the 1973/1974 oil crisis. Despite some favourable conditions, differences in domestic energy markets and relations with Arab oil-producing countries complicated member state co-operation. In turn, divergent economic philosophies and foreign policy priorities prevented France and Germany from filling the European leadership vacuum. As a consequence, the EEC did not find a unified stance on the Arab oil embargo, subordinated itself to US-American dominance and undermined its common market via export restrictions for oil. The findings suggest that without minimum convergent member state preferences or compensating regional leadership, European integration and today's European Union risk stalling or even disintegrating. 相似文献
8.
This article explores whether disintegration, in the form of increased non-compliance with EU law, has occurred in the EU Member States between 1997 and 2016. The contribution is twofold. First, we develop hypotheses to test the argument that non-compliance with EU law increases when Member States experience growing economic constraints and political turbulence. However, the hypotheses are conclusively rejected. Second, while we demonstrate distinct differences between Member States' compliance by the end of the 1990s, our time-series analyses demonstrate that these disparities disappeared over time. Taken together, our findings not only suggest that economic factors, government capacity, and, above all, domestic politics become gradually decoupled from the European integration process but also that cultural differences in law observance become increasingly irrelevant to explain the behaviour of governments. We conclude by arguing that the strong trend towards harmonization probably is explained by a changed culture of EU transposition and enforcement. 相似文献
9.
Several recent crises and the increasing populism and Euroscepticism across member states have intensified debates on the nature of the EU. While researchers have looked to US federal experience and theory, a bias remains towards the federalism of the Federalists and ‘Madisonian' lessons for the EU. In contrast, we argue that the federalism of the Antifederalists provides an alternative, more appropriate frame for assessing the EU's federal challenges. First, we revisited their political thought on democratic federalism and their opposition to the US Constitution. We derived three basic lines of federal-democratic critique of the power of elites, and losses to state sovereignty and to democracy and popular control. Subsequently, we transferred them to the EU to analyse the corresponding challenges. Finally, we drew Antifederalist lessons for the EU. They may inform not only research on multilevel governments but also the search for a balance between governance, integration and popular rule in a compound polity. 相似文献
10.
11.
Mechthild Roos 《Journal of common market studies》2020,58(6):1413-1432
The European Parliament (EP) – today one of the most powerful actors at EU level – was intended to be a mere consultative assembly at the founding of the European Communities. This article studies the beginnings of the EP's parliamentarization, from its establishment in 1952 to its first direct elections in 1979. The article uses the concept of Europeanization to analyse what ideational, normative and rationalist factors induced MEPs – delegates from the member states' national parliaments at the time – to invest considerable time and effort into an institution that promised no significant political impact, career improvement, or acknowledgement by voters. In so doing, the article demonstrates that despite the fact that careers were made at the national level, MEPs swiftly began to behave as Euro-parliamentarians rather than national delegates. Inside the EP, MEPs were therefore both themselves Europeanized and pushed for the Europeanization of the EP more generally. 相似文献
12.
Erik Jones 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2016,51(4):29-39
Many argue that the euro is handicapped as a currency because European governments are unwilling to pool responsibility for fiscal policy in common institutions. This argument is derived from the theory of optimum currency areas and fuelled by analogy with US experience. It is mistaken. A monetary union does not need a fiscal union to work. Worse, efforts to build European fiscal institutions are likely to distract European policymakers from a more important agenda. Europe needs a fully functioning banking union with a common risk-free asset if Europeans want to stabilise the euro as a common currency. Moreover, it would need these things even if the euro did not exist and all it had was the common market. Financial stability – and not fiscal federalism – is the key to Europe's future. European policymakers should focus their efforts on building the necessary institutions. 相似文献
13.
美元霸权对于美国国家利益和国际地位至关重要,使美国能够享有\"嚣张的特权\"。欧元诞生后成为美元\"唯一的竞争者\",也成为美国警惕和遏制的对象。2008年金融危机后,美国为继续维系货币霸权,利用国际货币体系这一机制向欧元区转嫁风险,具体做法包括金融机构在市场做空欧元、评级机构打压欧洲债务国、舆论唱衰欧元前景、政府拒绝国际金融监管改革要求等。受此影响,欧洲金融安全受到严重冲击,银行业坏账大幅上升,欧元国际地位下滑,经济陷入\"双底衰退\",欧元区甚至一度面临解体风险。为保障金融安全,欧洲采取了多项措施:通过建立欧洲稳定机制、银行联盟等手段加快弥补单一货币区的机制缺陷;执行严格的紧缩政策,提升经济竞争力;欧洲央行政策弹性增加,更多承担\"最后贷款人角色\";严格规范评级市场,尤其警告美国评级霸权。通过对欧洲政策的分析可以看出,由于难以形成与美国抗衡的\"国家意志\"、整体战略资源有限、在安全问题上难以摆脱对美依赖等因素,欧元区维系金融安全的主要思路是\"自我修复\",针对美国的应对措施和能力有限。这意味着,美元霸权将继续是影响欧洲金融安全的外部因素。 相似文献
14.
《Journal of common market studies》2017,55(6):1360-1379
Many integration theories predict that heightened integration in Europe will give rise to a European identity. As integration advances, so does the scholarly debate on identity. This article endeavours to contribute to the debate by investigating the relationship between European integration and European identity longitudinally in 14 countries over 21 years from 1992 to 2012. Using Eurobarometer and EU Index data, this relationship is found to be exponential with current integration levels predicting the imminent emergence of a European identity. In order to better understand whose identities are impacted or formed most by integration, the paper then turns to three intervening concepts: (1) cognitive mobilization, (2) optimism, and (3) support of the EU. All of these amplify the effect of integration on identity with the noteworthy exception of optimism. Finally, the article evaluates the implications of these findings for neofunctionalism and the literature on European identity more broadly. 相似文献
15.
《Journal of common market studies》2018,56(3):594-611
Does corruption influence trust in national institutions in the same way as trust in international institutions? Did this influence change over the economic crisis 2008? Using data from the European Social Survey, we examined the association between corruption and trust in national and European parliaments before and after the start of the Great Recession 2008. We found that over the Crisis, the effect of corruption on trust in national parliament became more negative than it was before 2008. We also discovered a positive association between corruption and trust in the EU before the Crisis. That is, states with a higher level of national corruption seem to have more trust in international institutions, such as the EU. However, this relationship disappears after 2008. Our findings contribute to the debates on the impact of corruption on trust in national and international institutions, and on the consequences of the Great Recession. 相似文献
16.
《Journal of common market studies》2017,55(4):798-814
In recent years, Europe has been facing the Euro crisis, questioning the whole process of European integration. However, scholars argue that this crisis also presents an opportunity for the Europeanization of national public spheres as public attention regarding Europe has increased. Therefore, this study examines the media discourse on the crisis and the possible convergence of the national public spheres of Germany and Spain. It investigates how the issue is framed and who participates in the discourse during the crisis between 2010 and 2014 in German and Spanish online quality newspapers. Based on a content analysis of 7,256 statements in 961 articles, frames were identified in a data‐driven approach. Results show that German and Spanish media have Europeanized their framing during the crisis and mainly support Europe's policy. This convergence has occurred despite a slight renationalization of discourse participants, indicating that Europeanization has been increasingly sustained by national actors. 相似文献
17.
《Journal of common market studies》2018,56(4):971-988
The present article argues that the current crisis of the European Union (EU) is much deeper and more profound than many EU officials and analysts care to admit. Taking the so‐called sovereign debt crisis and the refugee crisis as illustrative case studies it is argued that the crisis needs to be reframed as a Complex Adaptive System which is self‐organizing in a deeply incoherent manner and which current EU policies are not only not addressing but exacerbating. As an alternative, the article suggests using Adaptive Action as a framework to identify the conditions which sustain the current dysfunctionality of the European Union and makes concrete suggestions on how these conditions can be altered. Areas of further research are also identified. 相似文献
18.
Josef Hien 《Journal of common market studies》2019,57(2):185-204
There has been much talk about ordoliberalism recently. Scholars and the press identify it as the dominant economic instruction sheet for Germany's European crisis politics. However, by analyzing ordoliberalism only as an economic theory, the debate downplays that ordoliberalism is also an ethical theory, with strong roots in Protestant social thought. It is this rooting in Protestant social thought that makes Ordoliberalism incompatible with the socioeconomic ethics of most of the European crisis countries, whose ethics originate in Catholic and Orthodox social thought. This divergence is the source of a crisis of understanding between European nations and hinders a collective response to the Euro crisis. 相似文献
19.
This article concentrates on the path from the development of collective identities to the integration of core state powers. Firstly, we focus on the European experience. We argue that the identities of political, economic, and social elites have been crucial for the evolution of European integration. With regard to mass public opinion, European integration has been made possible by a consensus of EU citizens with inclusive national identities. Most recently, the politicization of EU affairs in many member states has been driven by populist forces mobilizing minorities with exclusive nationalist identities. Secondly, we discuss the extent to which insights from Europe have travelled to other regions of the world. Elites involved in region-building almost always develop identity narratives linking their national experience to the respective regions. Moreover, there is evidence that the difference between inclusive and exclusive nationalist identifications has also travelled beyond Europe. 相似文献
20.
《Journal of common market studies》2018,56(2):446-461
Previous research finds citizens' attitudes towards international redistribution in the European sovereign debt crisis to be related to party preferences. This article further reveals the nature of this link. We show that citizens follow party cues on international bailouts, rather than having merely ideologically congruent positions. By employing an original survey experiment that exposes respondents to elite cues, we additionally uncover underlying dynamics. First, party cues mobilize support for bailouts even in the face of salient elite dissent and, second, even a strong elite consensus does not affect citizens without PID and low levels of political sophistication. The findings of the experiment are cross‐validated with data from the voter survey of European Election Study 2014. The results suggest that current debates about international bailout packages deepen a polarization between politicized and non‐politicized Europeans. 相似文献