文化外交在当代中俄关系中的作用

冷战结束后,和平与发展成为时代主题,文化因素对国际关系的影响日益凸显,并由此产生了一种新型外交方式——文化外交。中俄两国比邻而居,有着近四百年的交往史,文化交流更是在其中起到重要作用。随着文化外交日益受到各国政府的重视,中俄文化交流不断擦出新火花。实践证明,文化外交在巩固中俄两国高层政治关系、推动经贸合作和扩大民间交往方面有不可替代的作用。     

Manufacturing the Jihad in Europe: The Islamic State’s Strategy

ABSTRACT

As the Islamic State (IS) caliphate in the Middle East has collapsed, it is seeking to extend its influence elsewhere, particularly in Europe where there are existing inter-communal tensions to exploit. IS has deployed the management of savagery doctrine through acts of terrorism as part of its strategy to increase polarisation by exacerbating fear and distrust among communities, encouraging sympathies for far-right actors among non-Muslims and potentially alienating counterterrorism policies by governments, pushing Muslims out of what it terms the ‘grey zone’. The desired outcome is to drain state resources and showcase Europe as hostile to Muslims, promoting the notion of a ‘war on Islam’.     

Between policy and reality: multiculturalism, the second generation, and the third space in Britain

Despite the significant level of cultural diversity that exists in contemporary Europe as a consequence of immigration and diaspora, state policies on multiculturalism in several countries have not kept pace with the complex and dynamic processes created by these pluralising social forces and realities. This has given rise to exclusionary contexts that have led to feelings of alienation by immigrant communities. In Britain, the violent street confrontations in Bradford in 2001 and the London bombings of 2005 both epitomised, as well as were outcomes of, the British nation state’s failure to foster dialogue and a sense of inclusion among these communities. Foregrounding the extent of the grievances and frustrations prevalent in British society, these social disturbances have also contributed to renewed debates on issues of national identity, belonging, and multiculturalism. More importantly, these clashes, involving mostly the second-generation British Asian Muslim community, have brought to the fore the dissonance between assumptions of belonging underlying “state multiculturalism”, which moves to fix and stabilise identities, and those that inform the complex processes of identification and constructions of the “third space” of belonging by racialised minority communities. Focusing on Britain, this paper’s central hypothesis is that official multiculturalism has failed to take into account the fluid and heterogeneous frames in and through which second-generation British Asians ground their cultural and political identities and demands. As many of the nation states in Europe are today, like Britain, multiethnic in composition with expanding Asian communities, how successfully or not Britain modifies its integration policies with respect to the presence of minorities of immigrant origin has enormous implications not only for Europe but also for Asia and Asia–Europe relations.     

Public opinion and terrorism: does the national economic,societal and political context Really Matter?

ABSTRACT

For national publics, terrorism is today one of the key policy challenges facing European governments. Yet little is known about whether and how the objective national economic, societal and political context influences public opinion about terrorism. The present article addresses this gap in the current research. Using Eurobarometer data, it is demonstrated that excluding a nation’s level of terrorism, no other objective national economic, societal or political indicator sways public attitudes towards terrorism. Objective national economic, societal and political factors are also found not to impact on the relationship between citizens’ economic conditions and public attitudes towards the same. Our results finally demonstrate that people’s perceived economic, cultural and physical (safety) insecurities tend to be a stronger predictor of these attitudes than the objective national context or (social) class differences. The article then discusses the implications of these ?ndings.     

Political communication and meaning in a climate of cultural contestation: A critical analysis of Zapiro's cartoon of the rape of Justicia

Abstract

Political communication and its relationship to meaning has become a prominent subarea within the subfield of politics and culture. A further development is that in political communication, academic interest has shifted from the production of meaning to the reception of meaning. This emphasis shift requires that future investigations will have to place more emphasis on the receiver of political communication, specifically as regards the reaction to and the interpretation of meaning. Max Weber's conceptual model is used to structure this article and to theoretically define the different cultural environments. The contested Zapiro cartoon of Jacob Zuma is then analysed in relation to political communication within the two contrasting cultural environments. The aim is to demonstrate how different cultural environments in South Africa react differently to the same political communication and its meaning.     

Formal and Informal Consociational Institutions: A Comparison of the National Pact and the Taif Agreement in Lebanon

Abstract

In the past decades, New Institutionalism in political science has rekindled an interest in the role of institutions and has theorized the interaction between formal and informal institutions. Unfortunately, little of this has made its way into the consociational literature. This article brings together the two bodies of work, focusing on the case of Lebanon because it allows for a unique analysis over time of the different ways in which consociational features have been institutionalized. The National Pact of 1943 was a gentleman’s agreement between the political leaders of the two main religious communities. It formed the basis of a consociational system that lasted for decades. After the civil war, the Taif Agreement reintroduced consociationalism, but this time more institutions were constitutionalized. However, it would be mistaken to view this as a simple contrast between informal (pre–civil war) versus formal (post–civil war) consociationalism, because even today the most important consociational institution is informal. This article traces the development and interaction of informal and formal consociational institutions in Lebanon. In doing so, it contributes not only to the consociational literature and the debate about the merits of liberal versus corporate consociations, but also to New Institutionalism and questions about the relative strength of formal versus informal institutions.     

Oil Communities and Political Violence: The Case of Ethnic Ijaws in Nigeria's Delta Region

The popular expectation that the oil-rich but underdeveloped Niger Delta of Nigeria would become more stable and less volatile with the inauguration of civilian democratic rule has proved erroneous. This development calls for a fundamental rethinking of existing assumptions about community-based anomie and the political violence embarked upon by nascent community-based movements in the region. This is particularly true regarding the struggle by Ijaw ethnic oil communities against environmental degradation, socio-economic and cultural strangulation, and political marginalization by the Nigerian state and multinational oil companies. Much of the existing literature has focused on the high-profile Ogoni struggles to the neglect of those embarked upon by the Ijaws, reputed to be the fourth largest ethnic group in Nigeria and spread over six states along the country's Atlantic seaboard.     

Cultural Diplomacy and a Harmonious World

The cultural diplomacy of China today has entered into a period of rapid development. Yet there is still much room for improvement in promoting China＇s new diplomatic thinking. In step with China＇s growing economy and increased weight in international affairs, the Chinese government has changed its diplomatic strategy to ＂building a harmonious world.＂ To make this concept more attractive and acceptable to other countries and peoples, China should expand its soft power resources, strengthen international cultural exchanges to draw on the fine achievements of foreign cultures, enhance the influence of Chinese culture worldwide, exploit new channels for international cultural exchanges, develop its cultural industry, and improve its comprehensive power.     

De-Europeanisation and Equal Citizenship in Turkey: The Case of Circassians

ABSTRACT

The Europeanisation process in Turkey that extended roughly from 1999 to 2006 boosted the political and cultural rights of diverse ethnic groups in Turkey, including Circassians, and strengthened their claims for equal citizenship. With the loss or weakening of the EU as an anchor for democratic reform in the post-2007 period, however, the de-Europeanisation process has resulted in the disappearance of the main legal and institutional basis for the democratic integration of ethnocultural minorities. Nevertheless, analysis of the activities of four large Circassian communities in Turkey shows that the same process has enhanced the cultural reification of these groups as their survival strategy.     

Participation,education, and pluralism: towards a new extension ethic

The concern driving current debate on agricultural extension is increasingly that of how to help farmers learn how to deal with the complex world around them responsibly and profitably, in such a way that the extension worker is ancillary. This article seeks to deconstruct and provide a more reasoned assessment of agricultural extension services through a reflection on development paradigms, adult education, individual empowerment, and institutional pluralism. By calling into question the underlying ethical dimensions of agricultural extension, it is possible to develop an alternative paradigm and thereby generate new insights into it. The article concludes that the raison d'être of agricultural extension today must be to create an ethical basis which ensures that extension practices are more inclusive and thus responsive to the needs of farmers and other rural populations, integrating individual expectations into the wider socio-economic, cultural, political, and geographical environment.     

俄罗斯民族认同中的政治文化指向

俄罗斯民族和国家形成的过程也是俄罗斯民族认同形成的过程，东正教和专制制度分别为民族认同提供了文化和政治方面的基础。在这个过程中，俄罗斯民族的思想也逐渐成熟，以东正教和专制制度思想为特征的政治文化是其中的重要内容。俄罗斯民族正是依靠这种独特的政治文化基础，形成内部自我认同，确立外部自我形象，在众多认同标准中以此为主要指向。     

Textbook citizens: Education for democracy and political culture in el Salvador

Political education can play a crucial role in the process of democratization precisely because it is moulding the norms and expectations of the ‘ordinary’ citizen. After identifying three politico‐cultural obstacles to democratization, ‐ exclusion, violence and institutional manipulation ‐ the article explains how education for democracy programmes might undermine these obstacles. An assessment of several projects follows, including a new school curriculum and non‐governmental organization programmes among young people and poor communities. Given the enthusiasm shown towards such initiatives, it is paradoxical that levels of formal political participation via the parties are very low. The article explores the credibility gap of the parties, especially notable during elections, and which is leading the parties to respond by adopting more participatory practices at the base. El Salvador is in an advantageous position precisely because of its greatest problem: the lack of a liberal democratic history which is now allowing ordinary citizens to ‘create’ their democracy from scratch and to imagine for themselves a new identity as citizens.     

阿拉伯国家政治文化的多维考量

阿拉伯国家的政治文化是阿拉伯民族关于政治生活的心理学。阿拉伯国家的政治文化只是阿拉伯文化流变历史进程中的一个组成部分,具有一定的独立性与特殊性。第二次世界大战后至今,阿拉伯地区政治生态先后经历了民族国家构建、伊斯兰复兴运动以及最近席卷西亚北非的"阿拉伯之春"。在此期间诸多政治思潮、宗教主义与文化观念融入到阿拉伯国家,深入到政治生活的各个层面,构成阿拉伯国家政治文化丰富多彩的内容。由于阿拉伯世界特殊的宗教地域特色,导致其政治文化不可避免地具有阿拉伯民族性与伊斯兰宗教性,二者的此消彼长则是阿拉伯政治文化最鲜明的结构模式。     

Empire and modernity: dynastic centralization and official nationalism in late imperial Ethiopia

Conventional accounts of modern state-formation either underplay its contradictory and variegated character or neglect its international dimensions. Against these approaches, alternative theories of state-formation have emerged centred on the constitutive significance of intersocietal relations and differential temporalities. This article develops the latter approaches in relation to the Ethiopian state. Contrary to widespread assumptions of Ethiopia's political insularity, it suggests that at three crucial turning points geopolitical exigencies provided the critical impetus for the political and cultural reconstitution of the state. Late nineteenth century European colonial encroachment triggered a reaction in the form of an Ethiopian imperial expansion to rival them. And the political shock of Italian occupation 40 years later provoked a concurrent project of dynastic centralization and official nationalism in the post-restoration period. But precisely because divine monarchy and nationalism are antithetical orders by virtue of their opposed principles of sovereignty, the attempt to conjoin them generated deep social and cultural contradictions that erupted in two successive revolutions that were internationally overdetermined and resulted in a profound reconstitution of the Ethiopian state.     

The Role of Intra-Religious Conflicts in Intrastate Wars

Many civil wars are fought between members of different religious communities. It seems plausible to focus on these communities’ interrelations to identify the causal factors responsible for the escalating effects that religion can have in such conflicts. A closer look, however, reveals that processes within religious communities can be crucial in influencing the role religions play in intrastate wars. Within single communities, factions of religious elites compete for material and dogmatic supremacy. Such intra-religious conflicts can motivate religious elites to search for support from political allies to prevail over their religious rivals. In return, they legitimize their political patrons’ claims for political power and their violent campaigns against members of other religious communities. Thus, intra-religious conflicts can effectively contribute to the religious escalation of intrastate wars between different religious communities. This argument is exemplified with reference to conflicts in Thailand, The Philippines, and Iraq.     

优良的社会治理与相对的平等——日本经验的再思考

即使在"日本奇迹"风光不再的今天,如何正确认识日本的经验和教训这个问题对中国今后要走什么样的发展道路仍然有着很大的启示和借鉴意义。日本是一个成熟的发达国家,具有很多发达社会的特征和东方现代化的独有特点,其中优良的社会治理和社会中相对较高的平等程度是最具特色和最有启发意义的。中日两国有着相近的历史文化传统,在中国现代化和社会转型的过程中,日本在社会治理方面的经验比西方经验更值得借鉴。同时,日本在高速经济增长之后长期的经济低迷也足以使中国引以为戒。     

The PKK and its evolution in Britain (1984–present)

ABSTRACT

As of today, a highly mobilized Kurdish diaspora and its most prominent representative, the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), has become so influential in the European political arena that it might tip the balance of the European Union’s policies on Turkey in its favor. Since too much attention has been given to the PKK’s activities in Germany, the organization’s actions in Britain remain understudied, despite the fact that Britain has been a vital place in Kurdish politics and political lobbying activities. Drawing on fieldwork findings, this article attempts to explore both the evolution and the political activities of the PKK in Britain across three different timeframes, from 1984 until the present time. Our findings suggest that in Britain, the PKK has departed in recent years from its conventional terrorist activities and transformed into a lobbying power that is likely to gain full legitimacy (i.e., being de-listed from terrorist organization lists) in the near future.     

Whatever happened to Francoist socialization? Spaniards' values and patterns of cultural consumption in the post-dictatorial period

Francoism had nearly four decades in which to try to inculcate Spaniards with a set of values suited to upholding its regime. For this purpose it had numerous sources of socialization at its disposal, as well as control of the media. This article aims to examine the legacies of this socializing process by reviewing not only the main features of the political culture of Spaniards, but also their patterns of cultural consumption regarding cinema and books. The later is a source of information that tends to be overlooked in political science literature, yet it may be useful in helping to unravel the predominant system of values at any given time. If the dictatorship managed to socialize a significant proportion of Spanish citizens, then this should also be reflected in the type of cultural products most favourably received after Franco's death. Although this article confirms the existence of a number of cultural traits inherited from the dictatorship, it also demonstrates the unconditional support which the vast majority of citizens give to democracy. To the extent that the main aim of Francoist indoctrination was to avoid democratic values to permeate Spanish political culture, we can confirm its failure. However, more subtle aspects – derived from Francoist socialization – may be negatively affecting the quality of democracy in Spain. Some of these are reflected in the delay at providing adequate redress to the victims of the dictatorship.     

Terrorism,Conflicts and the Responsibility to Protect Cultural Heritage

Abstract

Intentional destruction of cultural heritage is a well-known phenomenon which has been particularly exacerbated in recent times. Its common denominator is represented by the intent to persecute the communities for which that heritage represents an essential element of their cultural identity and distinctiveness. In legal terms, it produces different implications, to the point that – depending on the circumstances in which it is perpetrated – it may be qualified as a war crime, crime against humanity, violation of internationally recognised human rights, or evidence of the existence of the intent to commit genocide. Since the whole international community is seriously affected by the destruction of cultural heritage, it is indispensable that the doctrine of responsibility to protect (R2P) be put into practice seriously and effectively with the purpose of protecting humanity against the irreplaceable loss of its heritage.     

Rule of law and the democratization process: the case of Albania

This article will explore the dilemmas that Albania has been experiencing in implementing the rule of law during the past two decades with particular attention to the political institutional obstacles, including the difficulties of establishing an independent judiciary and the pervasiveness of corruption. The concept of the rule of law will be the lens through which the difficulties of the democratization process will be examined. The lack of transparency in the legislature and more broadly in the political decision-making process, and the divisive and leader-dominated political party system are two additional obstacles that Albania is facing in consolidating democracy. Since its first post-communist election in 1991, Albania has experienced challenges in conducting legitimate elections that meet international standards. The political and cultural environment where these political institutions operate and from which they have been constructed will provide the backdrop for analysis.