Old Europe,New Europe and Transatlantic Relations

This article establishes the broader framework for the rest of the volume by addressing the contemporary context of transatlantic relations and secondly by establishing strategic culture as the conceptual tool for the collection. The article takes issue with realist/material explanations of recent transatlantic disputes, as posited, for example, by Rober Kagan, which tend to portray the transatlantic divide as the US on one side and Europe on the other. In fact Europe itself was very much divided over Iraq and the conduct of US foreign policy. Moreover, the sources of this division, manifest vividly in the notion of Old and New Europe, were based on cultural, historical as well as material factors and as such are best understood by invoking the concept of strategic culture.

Thoughtful Europeans know that Europe must unite in some form if it is to play a major role in the long run. They are aware, too, that Europe does not make even approximately the defense effort of which it is capable. But European unity is stymied and domestic politics has almost everywhere dominated security policy. The result is a massive frustration which expresses itself in special testiness toward the United States. (Henry Kissinger, 1969) ¹ 1 Henry A. Kissinger, American Foreign Policy: Three Essays, New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1969, p. 69. ¹The author is grateful to several anonymous reviewers for valuable comments on a previous draft.      

Russia's Adjustments to Its European Policy amid the Reshaping of Transatlantic Relations

Transatlantic relations have initially warmed up after President Joe Biden took office, while a series of incidents such as the Russia-Ukraine border confrontation and escalating tensions in the Black Sea region have contributed to a further downturn in Russia- European Union relations. In Moscow's opinion, the EU's collective action towards Russia is mainly driven by political security considerations and human rights concerns, represented respectively by the Ukraine crisis and the Navalny incident.     

Transatlantic Relations Four Years Later: The Elusive Quest for a Strategic Vision

The transatlantic tensions of the Bush years are behind us but the future of transatlantic relations remains uncertain at the closing of the Obama term. Policy alignment has been found on a host of issues but ‘existential’ questions have resurfaced, casting shadows on Western unity and relevance in the coming years. So far the crisis has failed to focus attention on the need for a common vision for the 21st century. Key strategic issues, from the future of the European order to transatlantic engagement in the Middle East, should figure prominently on the next transatlantic agenda, shifting the debate from the notion of a ‘Pacific century’ to how the West can address ongoing power transitions.     

超越两分法:女性主义国际关系理论的前途

女性主义国际关系理论为国际关系学的发展做出了重大贡献。遗憾的是,近二十年的发展依然没有使其摆脱国际关系学边缘的地位。本文从两分法的批判出发,探讨女性主义兴起的根源,由此阐述女性主义国际关系理论的议程、困境和重构之路。本文认为,女性主义者与传统理论学者之间不正常的争论及女性主义理论在经验论、立场论和方法论上的悖论是女性主义国际关系理论长期处于边缘的两大原因。女性主义者未能超越两分法逻辑,不得不寻求理论的重构之路。     

In Defence of the West: General Lauris Norstad, NATO Nuclear Forces and Transatlantic Relations 1956-1963

In the history of NATO, lack of Atlantic communality is a recurring theme. Atlantic cohesion was constantly challenged. However, the discord among NATO members rarely threatened the very existence of the Alliance. The late 1950s and early 1960s witnessed such a rare occurrence. In Europe the question of nuclear sharing triggered the development of blue-prints for a step-by-step replacement of the Atlantic security co-operation by a European Security Community. These blueprints were discussed among the EEC member-states and within the forum of the WEU. This study analyses not only those concepts, but also the role of the SACEUR, General Norstad, in defending NATO from external threats and internal decay. By studying the leeway of the SACEUR, this study tries to establish whether the subsystem of the international system, formed by the nations of the North Atlantic area after the Second World War, should be characterised as a system of hegemonic stability or as a pluralistic security community. The article is based on recently declassified archival material from both sides of the Atlantic.     

International Relations in Portugal: The State of the Field and Beyond

This paper appraises the evolution of International Relations (IR) as an academic discipline in Portugal before engaging in an examination of the present state of the field. It is concerned with historical issues, associated with the discipline's journey towards its standing as a social science in its own right in Portuguese intellectual life. It considers institutional developments including those recently generated by the implementation of the Bologna framework for IR courses taught at national academic institutions. The Appendix offers an introduction to Portuguese IR publications.     

New Trends in the Transatlantic Alliance

正The National Transitional Council (NTC) of Libya officially declared the country’s national liberation in Benghazi onOctober 23, 2011. Earlier, on September 16, the second plenarysession of the 66th UN General Assembly agreed to seat NTC asthe legitimate representative of Libya at the United Nations bya vote of 114-17 with 15 abstentions. The outcome of the war     

Flexible modes of governance: Making CFSP and ESDP work

The European Union and the United States are on the verge of agreeing to a transatlantic free trade agreement. The proposed Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership is aimed at boosting EU and US economic growth, but the negotiating partners have not excluded the defence sector from negotiations. Europe is at a tipping point regarding the rationale for its defence-industrial integration efforts. Any TTIP extending to the defence sector will raise questions about the nature of the European Defence Technological and Industrial Base, and, crucially, how it impacts the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation and the Common Security and Defence Policy.     

Transatlantic Democracy Promotion and the Arab Spring

The Arab Awakening can be seen as a symptom of failure of US and EU democracy promotion policies in the region. By identifying democracy with ‘liberal democracy’ – a discursively powerful political move – the contingent character of democracy has been lost. The US and the EU, the main promoters of a neoliberal understanding of democracy, have sided with the wrong side of history. And because they have failed to deeply revise the philosophical underpinnings of their policies, even after 2011, they risk another, even bigger, policy failure.     

American Perspectives on the Transatlantic Security Agenda

This article explores US perspectives on the new transatlantic security agenda in the context of the evolution of strategic culture. The war on terrorism and the Iraq War of 2003 serve as focal points to examine sources of divergence and convergence between US and European security policies. The article explores key questions including: Have we seen the collapse of a shared, transatlantic security culture since September 11? How have US leaders manipulated strategic cultures to achieve security objectives in the new era? Why has the Bush administration willingly engaged (and even encouraged) the intra-European divide? How significant to the United States is the shift in “old” and “new” European perspectives on the war on terrorism? The article concludes with an assessment of the implications of recent events for the future of transatlantic security ties.     

Managing the Transatlantic Gap: The Rise of Spain

Among the many frustrations hampering cooperation between Western allies is the transatlantic gap in defense capabilities. Many analysts find little reason for hope that the gap might close in the near future due to the growing differential in aggregate defense spending between the U.S. and Europe. In recent years, however, Spain set an intriguing precedent for small states entering the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Union (EU). Defying economies of scale, Spain used progressive institutions at domestic and international levels along with creative geopolitics to engage both the U.S. and traditional powers in Europe. The result was that Spain, without dramatic increases in defense spending, still managed to narrow the transatlantic gap along vital dimensions. These included increased participation in the development of high-technology defense and aerospace systems as well as a stronger, independent voice in global affairs.     

"跨大西洋经济一体化"剖析

跨大西洋经济一体化是全球最大的区域一体化工程,其重要动因之一是美欧有意应对来自亚洲特别是中印等国崛起的挑战。未来跨大西洋经济一体化是搞自贸区、共同市场,还是"经济北约"?这是个悬而未定的问题。欧美经济一体化的性质将对世界经济能否走向多边主义合作有着决定性影响。