Correlates of formal and informal social/crime control in China: An exploratory study

There are two major ways for a society to control its members, formal and informal. A major goal of both forms of control is to curb criminal behavior. Formal criminal justice control uses the law and official government agencies (e.g., police, courts, and corrections) to ensure compliance. Informal criminal justice control uses morals and social institutions (e.g., family, peers, and neighbors). China has a long history of using informal criminal justice controls. Nevertheless, there has been a movement during the past several decades towards use of formal criminal justice controls. This study examined the level of agreement with both forms of control and the correlates of each form using a survey of Chinese college students. Findings from multivariate analysis indicated that those who held a Confucian belief in law and punishment, those who had a higher distrust of strangers, and those who grew up in rural areas were more supportive of informal control, while those who were majoring in the area of law and male respondents were more supportive of formal control.     

Reactions to flag desecration in American society: Exploring the contours of formal and informal social control

Although flag burnings today rarely draw the amount of attention they received in the late 1980s, efforts to protect the flag have persisted for nearly a decade. Accordingly, the flag protection campaign has captured the interest of intellectuals from various academic backgrounds, including political scientists, egal scholars, and journalists. Conspicuously absent from the literature on flag desecration, however, are sociologists and criminologists. Combining historical evidence with recent cases, this article unveils key sociological aspects of social control, including formal and informal responses to flag desecration.     

Predictors of desistance among sex offenders: The interaction of formal and informal social controls

Increasing attention is being given to the issue of desistance or cessation in adult criminal careers. We contribute to this research by considering how informal and formal social controls affect recidivism among 556 sex offenders placed on probation in 1992. We conduct an event history analysis of reoffense, based on the predictions of Sampson and Laub's and Gottfredson and Hirschi's control theories. We build on these perspectives by examining how informal social controls condition the effects of formal social controls generally and across offense types. We find less recidivism among offenders with stable job histories, particularly among those in court-ordered sex offender treatment. The results add both to theoretical formulations concerning desistance and recidivism and to policy formulations directed at growing prison populations.     

Quantitative models in crime control

In this study we propose several mathematical models for describing the behavior of crime-related systems. In the first part is presented a simple model for describing and measuring crime systems with recidivism. This model may be used in estimating the quantitative effects of alternative policies on crime rates. An important factor not recognized by the model is deterrence. One derivative of the mathematical analyses is a proposed method for measuring the relative severity of sentencing in a given system. The second part of the paper deals with the criminal population as a whole, trying to bring into account the non-stationary behavior of the system. This study should be regarded as a preliminary attempt to develop elementary mathematical models fitting crime systems. Some of the assumptions do not have substantial direct support by data.     

RSPCA and the criminology of social control

This paper contributes to a rethinking of animal abuse control and animal welfare protection in criminology, specifically, and in the social sciences more broadly. We do this, first, through a broad mapping of the institutional control complex around animal abuse in contemporary Britain. Second, we focus on the institutional strategies and practices, past and present, of the main agency of animal protection, and the policing thereof, in this society, namely the Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (RSPCA). In looking back to this charity’s growth since the first decades of the nineteenth century at the time of the birth of modern industrial capitalism and also to its current rationale and practices as a late-modern, corporate organisation, we explore the seeming paradox of a private body taking a lead on the regulation and prosecution of illegalities associated with animal-human relationships. Finally, the ideology and strategy of the RSPCA are explored in the context of the often visceral and culturally influential ‘morality war’ associated with proponents, respectively, of animal rights (‘abolition’) and ‘anthropic’ welfare proponents (‘regulation’ and ‘protection’).     

An empirical test of social control theory

A test of social control theory was operated on a random sample of about 2000 juveniles aged 12 to 18 years. A second test was performed 2 years later on a subsample of the original one, taking into account changes in the life situation with respect to the family, school, work, leisure, peers, and some values connected with delinquency. Both self-report data and official data were collected. Using the HOMALS technique, scales were constructed of family integration (parental control, communication with parents, family activities, and family climate), school integration (liking school, commitment to school values, school performance, and social behavior), leisure and peers (nature and involvement in leisure activities, bravado), and some normative statements. Changes in social integration were measured over a period of 2 years and compared to the impact of official intervention in delinquency cases by police or prosecutor. On the basis of path analysis and a LISREL model, we were able to conclude that there was no impact of police or prosecutor intervention on later delinquency, but there appeared to be a strong and inverse relationship between changes in social integration, or the bond with society, and the frequency of offending.This article is based on two Dutch research reports, which have been published in English inJuvenile Delinquency in the Netherlands (Junger-Tas and Block, 1988).     

Reconstituting social order and social control: Police accountability in Canada

Despite the important role which the police play in the reproduction of social order, there is a lacuna in critical criminological literature on the policing of democratic societies. As a consequence, the mistaken impression is fostered that policing in Canada is not problematic. This paper challenges this view, documenting the extent of police malpractice and raising the question of the need for police accountability. Within this context the authors discuss three forms which police accountability has historically taken: judicial inquiry, community police monitoring groups, and consultative liaison panels. One problem which the authors note is the way in which all three models depend upon the police for information about the nature of crime and policing, making them susceptible to dominant discourses about policing. Thus they continue by discussing the left realist model as potentially a fourth model. This form of police accountability emerged in Britain during the 1980s and is characterized by the production of an alternative discourse on crime and police practices based on locally conducted and controlled victimization surveys. The extent to which this practice of police accountability might be relevant to the Canadian context remains yet to be explored. The authors note in closing, however, that this is an empirical and not a theoretical question, meaning that Canadian criminologists must become more practical and less academic in their discourses of social control. “A riot is at bottom the language of the unheard” (Revd. Martin Luther King, 1967)     

Battered women: Implications for social control

This paper examines battered women as a systemic problem of social control, involving three structural phases: structure, deconstruction and reconstruction. At the first phase, woman battering occurs in a context of dependency, including economic, social, political, and emotional subordination that maintains the traditional, male-centered family structure. During phase two, or deconstruction, broad societal changes, including the feminist movement, contributes to altered gender definitions and the emergence of a battered women's movement and practice. During this phase feminists served as the chief reform catalyst, introducing protective legislation, educating the public and organizing women's shelters. Phase three, reconstruction, entails the state's direct involvement in the violent relationship in a series of coercive netwidening actions, including arrest of the offender, forcible separation of the couple, and formal sentencing. On the one hand, state intervention substantially reduces the incidence of violence against women in the home. On the other hand, the power of arrest and detention extends state power into new spheres, as the state exploits social problems and weakened social structures in line with its expanding control agenda. Overbureaucratization during this phase also affects feminist practice, as shelters increasingly take on a social provision, sometimes anti-feminist, orientation that further constrains who can be served. The paper raises questions about the extent to which the reconstruction phase, operating in the interests of dominant groups, contributes to the revictimization of battered women.     

Ironies of social control and the criminalization of immigrants

As moral panic over immigrants spreadduring the early 1990s, immigrationpolicies became increasingly criminalized in the wake of the bombingsof the World Trade Center in 1993 and ofthe Murrah Federal Building in OklahomaCity in 1995. In response to the threat ofterrorism at home, Congress enacted theIllegal Immigration Reform andImmigration Responsibility Act along withthe Anti-Terrorism and Effective DeathPenalty Act in 1996. Since then severalkey provisions of those statutes haveproduced numerous violations of civilliberties and immigrants' rights. Drawingon a conceptual framework developed bysociologist Gary T. Marx (1981), thisarticle examines critically thecontradictions and ironies of immigrationcontrol, specifically the mostcontroversial aspects of the 1996 laws:court-stripping provisions, use of secretevidence, and growing register ofdeportable crimes. In light of theterrorist attacks on September 11th, 2001,the article expresses concerns over thegovernment's current campaign to fightterrorism, especially the use of racialprofiling and mass detention shrouded insecrecy.     

Deterrence and social control: Rethinking the relationship

Until recent years, the operationalization of the deterrence concept has been largely legal in nature. That is, deterrence was defined in terms of certainty and celerity of arrest and severity of sanction. Contemporary research has called this narrow viewpoint into question, pointing out that legal factors are only part of the range of social-control mechanisms. One of the more important of these reformulations was found to have an analytical flaw which could have easily affected the results (Meier and Johnson, 1977). The present study corrects the analysis problems of this previous study and upholds the findings that, for a sample of adult Texas residents, extralegal factors are of more import for determining marijuana use than traditional legal deterrence. Since both legal and extralegal factors are products of the social context, deterrence may be appropriately incorporated into contemporary social- control theories.     

Crime,social disorganization,and social structure: A research note on the use of interurban ecological models

The social disorganization perspective, as set forth by Clifford Shaw and Henry McKay, has enjoyed renewed interest in criminological explanations of crime and delinquency. This paper extends this perspective beyond the traditional intraurban focus of the neighborhood to a more encompassing interurban model, using 682 SMSA counties. The results using these counties were generally consistent with neighborhood studies, demonstrating the robustness of the social disorganization model.