陶行知“生活教育”对新课程改革的启示

20世纪20年代,陶行知提出"生活教育"理论,其核心是"生活即教育"、"社会即学校"、"教学做合一"。它对于打破传统教育的束缚,改革教学方法,曾起过积极作用,与当今世界教育发展的趋势及我国提倡的新课程改革之间又有着密切关系,亦为今天的新课程改革提供可资借鉴的可行性模式。     

高校贫困新生“四导”模式转型教育的构建——基于“精准扶贫”语境的视角

高校贫困生是大学生的一个重要亚群体,有其特殊性和复杂性。做好贫困生的转型教育,对于他们的整个大学学习生活乃至后续发展有着重要的影响和意义。贫困新生的转型教育是大学新生转型教育的一部分,但应有其独特性和系统性。按照"精准扶贫"理念,对贫困新生进行"四导"模式的转型教育,即思想引导、学习辅导、生活指导和心理疏导,有利于实现其转型,帮助其成长,促进其发展。     

罗杰斯教育思想在思政理论课教学中的回归

思想政治理论课在大学生思想政治教育中具有不可取代的重要作用,然而也面临着学生学习目的不明确、思想不积极、效果不理想等现实问题。罗杰斯"以学生为中心"的人本主义教育思想蕴含着丰富的内容,体现了"以人为本"的教育理念,学习借鉴其教育思想,对于改进思想政治理论课教学方法、提高教学效果具有重要的现实意义。     

孟德斯鸠教育思想对我国教育活动的启示

孟德斯鸠是18世纪法国著名的启蒙思想家,其一生虽未从事过教育活动,但在其著作《论法的精神》中对教育问题的论述是精辟而独到的。他的教育思想不仅在当时发挥着积极的启蒙作用,而且对于我国目前营造健康向上的社会教育氛围、丰富新时代爱国主义教育内涵、规避"丧偶式"家庭教育、重视音乐教育等也有重要的现实启示意义。     

中华民族教育传统的继承与创新——以民族复兴语境为视角

立足现实世界,寻求"天人合一"的生命品质是中华民族教育传统。民族复兴之梦的渐趋渐近,使得对中华民族教育传统的时代性反思与建构,显得尤为迫切。从教育基点与教育理想的维度对其进行探讨,对于完善教育理论,推动教育改革,健全国民心性,促进中国梦的圆满实现,具有鲜明的时代性与紧迫的现实性。     

浅谈墨家思想对我国社会主义和谐社会建设的启示

今天我们建设社会主义和谐社会也要重视从传统文化中汲取养料,比如从墨家思想中,我们就可以吸取其"兼爱互助"、"交相互助利"、"以劳致富"以及注重科学与教育、倡导"节用"等思想,这些对于加强当今我国公民的社会公德、职业道德建设,树立社会本位利益观、正确的科学教育观念等都有一定的启示作用。     

试论儒家伦理的差序格局与大学生公民意识教育的矛盾

随着我国德育教育从传统的政治思想教育向公民教育的转变,对于公民教育中如何融入传统文化,成为了一个重要课题。但儒家伦理中的差序格局,是其"仁"的模式必然导致的等级制度安排,又与大学生公民意识的核心内容格格不入。本文试图通过解析这对矛盾,来进一步探讨提高我国公民道德教育水平的新途径和新办法。     

就业问题与大学教育关系的辩证思考——基于大学生就业指导工作的几点认识

大学生就业,目前已经成为整个社会广为关注的焦点。作为从事高校大学生工作的基层工作者,在结合学生就业工作的同时,也切身体会到了当前"就业难"对于学生的影响,特别是对当前的大学教育产生的微妙影响。对于就业与大学教育二者之关系,实为当今教育发展规划需慎思考虑之实际。如何更好的平衡"就业"———眼前困难与"大学教育"发展———长远目标之间的关系,需要广大教育者的共同思考。     

大学生自主学习马克思主义有效模式探究

加强对于大学生的马克思主义教育,用马克思主义理论武装头脑,是高校意识形态工作的重要任务。高校现有的马克思主义教育模式以课堂教育和教师讲授为主,其能达到一定效果,但要想让马克思主义真正"入脑入心",在大学生中广泛形成"真学、真懂、真信、真用"的良好风气,还需要在传统模式外,通过发挥大学生的主观能动性,采取各种方式和组织各种活动,构建起大学生自主学习马克思主义的有效模式。     

对现代大学制度的几点理解

党的十八大报告把"努力办好人民满意的教育"作为重要的民生问题纳入社会建设范畴。建立和完善中国特色的现代大学制度,对于进一步提高高等学校人才培养质量,满足经济社会发展和人民群众对于优质教育资源的强烈需求,推进社会建设具有重要意义。因此,就"如何认识和理解现代大学制度及影响其建立完善的关键因素"展开论述,以期为高校推进现代大学制度提供有益参考。     

Tony Blair's 'Media' Speech: The Commentators

Tony Blair's speech challenged the media over its standards in his valedictory lecture. Many of his charges about the absence of balance, attacks on motive and a pack mentality stand up, even if some are exaggerated and also applied well before his arrival in 10 Downing Street. Mr Blair's solutions did ot match his critique. What is required is a more self‐questioning media, being held to account on the internet and on specialist blogging sites. Vigorous criticism, requiring justification, is a more credible rout than tighter regulation. Tony Blair's speech on the changing pressures on the media is both interesting and convincing in its diagnosis (although generally reported in ways that did not reveal this). It is less convincing in suggestions for change: the fact that on‐line media will fall under Of‐com, and so under its minimal ‘content regulation’ will have little impact. Effective change could begin with other types of (self or other regulation). Some steps towards change might include minimal requirements for journalists and editors to accept elementary forms of accountability, such as disclosing conflicts of interest and payments made for ‘stories’. The scale of media coverage may be crucial in determining the allocation of aid, yet the attention the media pays to particular causes is arbitrary. Many serious disasters are not reported and as a consequence do not receive adequate aid, so that the victims of the crisis will lose out. Chronic long term problems, like famine, are ignored in favour of ‘sudden emergencies’. Reporting seeks sensation and simple stories which influences the way that aid agencies respond to the media. The complex background to a faraway disaster is often overlooked and not properly reported. Tony Blair's speech describing some of the news media as ‘feral beasts’ contained one paragraph which contained an insight into his views on new media. It was known that the outgoing Prime Minister was uncomfortable with some aspects of new technology but his remarks reveal a wider disappointment with how new media has failed to deliver changes which he had hoped for in political communications.This paper records Mr Blair's problems with new media and argues that by focusing on how the new technologies might provide a better way for politicians to by‐pass the traditional media he has missed the point of their wider benefits.     

The Language of Race

The 1991 Census form for households in Great Britain included, for the first time, a question about ethnic group. The question had nine boxes, eight for named ethnic groups and one for 'any other'. One box had to be ticked for each member of the household. Brian Klug discusses his own reaction to the (so-called) ethnic question, and explains why, as a Jew of European extraction, he did not tick the box marked White. He examines several issues raised by the ethnic question, including the following: why this question is different from other questions on the form; the definition and use of the words 'racial' and 'ethnic'; the vocabulary of colour ('black', 'white' etc.) in the language of race; the idea that 'white' is an ethnic category; the claim that the ethnic question is an instrument for combatting racism; one proposal for improving the question by removing the 'racial' components in the categories.     

Guest editor's introduction

In 1933 the army of the nascent Iraqi state launched an exterminatory attack on members of the Assyrian community who had fled to Iraq during the First World War. 'The Assyrian affair' which at the time sent shock-waves around the world has now been largely forgotten. But an examination of its origins and causation reveals much about the nature and pattern of modern genocide. Levene argues that typecasting genocide as the outcome of prejudice, racism or even xenophobia, while these may be significant ingredients, proves to be insufficient as a comprehensive explanation. Rather, these factors need to be analysed within the context of an emerging international system of nation-states. This itself may be a factor in helping to catalyse the most extreme and radically ideological responses, especially from new and untried national elites seeking to overcome perceived obstacles to their state's development and genuine independence.     

道德规范表现形式的历史演进

道德规范的产生和形成,有着深刻的社会经济根源,是由一定的社会物质生活条件和社会关系决定的。道德规范随着社会的发展而不断发展,具有历史性和继承性。在人类漫长的道德生活中,道德规范曾有过形态各异的表现形式,大体可以概括为图腾、禁忌、礼仪、风俗、箴言、准则、义务、责任等几种主要的表现形武。道德规范表现形式的历史演进,是一个由蒙昧到理性、由自发到自觉、由低级到高级的发展过程。     

Canguilhem amid the cyborgs

George Canguilhem's 1947 lecture,‘Machine and organism’,is a rich source of ideas for thinking about the relationships between living organisms and machines. He takes all tools and machines to be extensions of the bodymand part of life itself (which does not make machines any more good or bad than every living organism is good or bad). These insights are updated with a discussion of cyborgs. An account is given of the original idea of the cyborg (Clynes and Kline 1960), and of its transformations in science fiction and at the hands of Donna Haraway and Andrew Pickering. Canguilhem is profoundly anti-Cartesian, but on account oshis vision of life which breaks down the old barriers between natural and artificial, mind and body, manufactured and created.     

The Accursed Share: Bataille as Historical Thinker

Abstract

This essay addresses Georges Bataille as a historical thinker by concentrating on The Accursed Share (three volumes, 1949-54), the text Bataille took as his master-work. An amalgam of cultural criticism, anthropological and sociological research, The Accursed Share reveals Bataille's temporalised vision of his four central ideas, excess, expenditure, sovereignty and transgression. Grappling with this vision is key for understanding Bataille's oeuvre as a whole because it brings the entirety of his assessments of Western and world culture under its heading. The aim of the paper is to offer a sense, on one hand, of Bataille's dystopic heterology and, on the other hand, the unique formulation of the junctures between economics, power and morality that define him as important for the irruption of post-structural thought specifically, and indeed, the postmodern era as a whole.     

Ethnic and religious variations in the reporting of racist victimization in Britain: 2000 and 2008/2009

The role of victimization in the generation of ethnic inequalities is increasingly acknowledged yet its impact on the lives of people with different religious affiliations remains underexplored. This is despite evidence of the importance of religion for forms of group identification and social mobilization. An exploration of the particular impact of religion as a focus for experiences of victimization may be particularly pertinent given the increasingly negative treatment of Muslim people since the riots in Britain of 2001, the terrorist incidents of 2001, 2004 and 2005 and the political and military responses to them. Cross-sectional analyses of data collected in 2000 and 2008/2009 explore whether there is evidence that the ethnic/religious patterning of reports of different forms of victimization have varied over time, after adjusting for the impact of age, gender, migration and socioeconomic differences between the groups. In 2000 Muslim people with different ethnic backgrounds were less likely, but by 2008/2009 were more likely, to report experiences of victimization than Caribbean Christians. However, the ethnic/religious patterning of perceptions of Britain as a ‘racist society’ were more consistent over time. This may suggest that, despite their increased exposure to victimization over the period, Muslim people in the United Kingdom have yet to experience the racialization characteristic of the treatment of Caribbean Christians, which requires a more prolonged exposure to racist negative attitudes. But this may be only a matter of time. The persistent expectation of poor treatment described by Caribbean Christians is testament to the difficulties of addressing these negative perceptions once racialized identities are embedded. Immediate action must be taken to prevent this occurring among other ethnic/religious minorities.     

Towards a democracy-centred ethics

Abstract

The core idea of this paper is that we can use the differences between democratic and undemocratic governments to illuminate ethical problems. Democratic values, rights and institutions lie between the most abstract considerations of ethics and meta-ethics and the most particularised decisions, outcomes and contexts. Hence, this paper argues, we can use the differences between democratic and undemocratic governments, as we best understand them, to structure our theoretical investigations, to test and organise our intuitions and ideas, and to explain and justify our philosophical conclusions. Specifically, as we will see, a democracy-centred approach to ethics can help us to distinguish liberal and democratic approaches to political morality in ways that reflect the varieties of democratic theory, and the importance of distinguishing democratic from undemocratic forms of liberalism.