Ethnic Citizenship in the Slovenian State

This article presents some crucial and typical experiences of people who were erased from the Registry of Permanent Residents of the Republic of Slovenia in 1992. In the process of forming the new Slovenian state in 1991 (after the collapse of former Yugoslavia), the body of citizens was newly defined according to the principle of ius sanguinis. This means that ethnic Slovenians who until then were Yugoslav citizens automatically became Slovenian citizens. Permanent residents of Slovenia who ethnically originated in other republics of former Yugoslavia had to file an application to acquire Slovenian citizenship based on Article 40 of the Citizenship of the Republic of Slovenia Act. Approximately 0.9% of Slovenia's population (18,305 people) did not succeed in obtaining Slovenian citizenship because either they did not file an application or their application was rejected. These people were erased from the Registry of Permanent Residents by the Ministry of Internal Affairs on 26 February 1992. The Ministry carried out this secret erasure without any legal basis. The Aliens Act entered into force for the erased which then annulled all their previously acquired rights; legally and formally they were made equivalent to migrants who cross borders illegally. Thus, the people erased from the Registry of Permanent Residents were suddenly left without any rights: the right to a residence in Slovenia (in their homes with their families), the right to cross the state borders, and all other economic, social and political rights. The implementation of the erasure concerns the suspension of basic human rights, the annulment of the principles of a legal state and the production of redundant people. The author argues that the erasure from the Registry of Permanent Residents is constitutive of Slovenian citizenship: the erasure established certain power relations in society and a certain type of democracy.     

Governance in Central Government: Reconciling Accountability and Capability

Governance structures in central government departments are poorly articulated. Departmental boards were imported from the private sector; in central government their remit and accountability are obscure, as is their role in relation to Permanent Secretaries and Ministers—whose leadership roles are also muddled. This brings costs for Ministers, departments and the public. Improvements have proved elusive, in part because an underlying confusion has been neglected—about how bodies subject to the almost unlimited democratic accountability of Ministers are to be governed. The confusion can be cleared up, principles of governance formulated, and concrete improvements proposed. These include: better articulation of Permanent Secretaries' presumptive leadership role; strengthened lines of external accountability; and more coherent provisions for the role and accountabilities of boards, and their relationship with Ministers, Permanent Secretaries, and the centre of government. Such changes should improve accountability, leadership, capability and delivery.     

“Robin Hood” and Texas School District Borrowing Costs

The “Robin Hood” system of school financing in Texas takes property tax funds from wealthy school districts and gives them to poorer districts. This paper examines Permanent School Fund‐insured, school district debt and discovers that under the “Robin Hood” system, Texas school districts with either Aa or A1 underlying credit ratings have higher borrowing costs than districts with lower ratings. Also, the borrowing costs of Texas school districts with underlying credit ratings of Aa and A1 are higher than those for non‐Texas, privately insured school districts with the same ratings, while the borrowing costs of A and Baa‐rated Texas school districts are lower.     

The Alaska Permanent Fund: Politics and Trust

Trust funds are a particular way of governing resource flows. Governments use trust funds to bind policy decisions of future actors and remove resource flows from budget competition. The state of Alaska removed a portion of its oil revenues from political competition through the creation of the Alaska Permanent Fund. A unique feature of the Fund is that it pays annual dividends to Alaskan citizens, thus creating a citizen stake in the management of the Fund. Through this framework Alaskans have successfully protected a significant stream of revenue ($21 billion) from political demands.     

Book Reviews

Sung Deuk Hahm and L. Christopher Plein After Development: The Transformation of the Korean Presidency and Bureaucracy
Judith E. Michaels The President's Call: Executive Leadership from FDR to George Bush
Peter Barberis The Elite of the Elite: Permanent Secretaries in the British Higher Civil Service
Sofia A. Perez Banking on Privilege: The Politics of Spanish Financial Reform
John Erik Fossum Oil, the State, and Federalism: The Rise and Demise of Petro-Canada as a Statist Impulse     

Political Control and Public Sector Savings: Evidence from the States

The right to access (and ultimately spend)public sector savings is determined by the party which can control the politicaloutcome. This implies that anticipatedfuture changes in the state's controllingpolitical party may systematicallyadversely affect current savings. Extendingthe Life Cycle/Permanent Income model, Ishow that a representative legislator willopt to forgo current saving in favor ofspending when his prospects for futurepolitical control diminish. Estimating apanel data model of 39 states from1973–1995, I find that an actual futurechange in the controlling party of astate's lower house significantly reducescurrent saving.     

Net campaign contributions, agricultural interests, and?votes on liberalizing trade with China

We consider the potential influence of contributions from interest groups to political rivals in the voting behavior of US legislators on international trade policy issues. Our application addresses the determinants of the Permanent Normal Trade Relations with China decision, and focuses particular attention on the agriculture/agribusiness lobby. A simultaneous voting-net contributions model suggests that these contributions were very effective relative to organized labor and other corporate groups, despite their relatively small dollar value. Possible explanations arising from differences in targeting strategies are explored.     

Dyadic Federations and Confederations

This article focuses on the thirteen-odd bicommunal politiesin which two, and only two, distinct communities dominate thepolitical arena. The concept of a bicommunal polity is analyticalrather than statistical. Permanent asymmetry characterizingthe two components makes a simple majoritarian formula for decisionmakingprocesses unacceptable. What other decisional frameworks havea greater chance for success: federalism, federalism with aheavy dose of confederal ingredients, regional confederation,consociationalism or secession? A confederal modification offederalism has so far appeared as more acceptable to two asymmetricand antagonistic polities than a concept of a federal unionwith its commitment to an overarching cultural-political nationalunion. The high failure rate of bicommunal configurations pointsalso to the necessity to relate the inner working of bicommunalpolities to international balancing processes and/or supportor abstinence of "blood-related" nation-states.     

Universal Cash Transfers and Labor Market Outcomes

One major criticism of Universal Basic Income is that unconditional cash transfers discourage recipients from working. Evidence to date has largely relied on targeted and/or conditional transfer programs. However, it is difficult to draw conclusions from such programs because universal transfers may induce a positive demand shock by distributing cash to a large portion of the population, which may in turn offset any negative labor supply responses. We estimate the causal effects of universal cash transfers on short-run labor market activity by exploiting the timing and variation in size of a long-running unconditional and universal transfer: Alaska's Permanent Fund Dividend. We find evidence of both a positive labor demand and negative labor supply response to the transfers. Small negative effects on the number of hours worked are found for women, especially those with young children. In contrast, we find an increase in the probability of employment for males in the months following the distribution. Altogether, a $1,000 increase in the per-person disbursement leads to a 0.8 percent labor market contraction on an annual basis.     

Federal homeless social policies for the 1990s

Abstract

While numbers are important, a substantial part of the disagreement concerning the number of homeless people and their characteristics derives from differing defi‐nitionsof homelessness. However, there is a consensus on basic needs to proceed with social policies that address homelessness, with the aim of ending it. Housing assistance is essential to ending homelessness and will need to be provided, at least in the short run, to all homeless and at‐risk households to enable them to obtain decent housing. The attrition in the number of unsubsidized low‐rent units and the loss of the single‐room occupancy(SRO) stock have been major causes of homelessness in the 1980s. Permanent housing must be coupled with other services to address the additional, nonhousing problems of a substantial portion of homeless people. The federal plan to end homelessness offers promise of developing a viable, coherent set of programs and policies, particularly if mainstream programs are improved and made accessible to homeless people. But carrying out a meaningful plan to end homelessness will require both committed and sustained political leadership and substantial increases in funding.     

The European Welfare State: Golden Achievements,Silver Prospects

For the welfare state the last 30 years have witnessed a turbulent transition from the ‘Golden Age’ of expansion to a ‘Silver Age’ of permanent austerity. This shift has been the result of external pressures and of internal transformations of domestic economies and social structures. Permanent austerity has entailed incisive institutional adaptations and has been accompanied by a ‘new politics’, centred on a plurality of ‘blame avoidance’ strategies on the side of parties and governments. The article summarises and discusses the main factual developments since the mid-1970s but it also surveys the main strands of academic debates on both the expansion and the crisis phases. The author argues that comparative welfare state research has been one of the liveliest fields of political economy – a field marked by important analytical and theoretical advances and by the accumulation of relevant and systematic empirical knowledge about a key institution of the European political landscape.     

Getting Carded: Border Control and the Politics of Canada's Permanent Resident Card

This article is concerned with the ways in which border control has been reconstituted through Canada's Permanent Resident Card (PRC). Some questions examined with this paper include: how did the PRC come to exist as a technology of border control? Does it function as a symbol of the Canadian nation-state's imperative to manage transnational movement and access to the geopolitical space of the nation and, if so, how? Through what means does the PRC and the events surrounding its introduction and use facilitate processes of serialization and racialization? Does the PRC, as a technique of reason of state, do the work of producing the category “responsible immigrants”? The notions of “economies of bodies” and “bordering” are important here. “Bordering” opens up the concept of the border from a fixed place to a verb, or a process. Given this, bordering does not only occur at the territorial boundaries of the nation-state, it can also be internal to it. By examining how the category of “permanent resident” is organized, gains meaning and is maintained, this article demonstrates how the technology of the PRC and similar technologies of the regulation of mobility operate as practices of bordering and nation-making and constitute Canadian citizenship.     

Estimates and public policy: The politics of numbers

Abstract

Estimates of the number of homeless persons in the United States are frequently said to range from 250,000 to three million. In fact, the latter number is an invalid guesstimate that developed staying power for political reasons. National estimates of homeless persons based on explainable methodologies actually range from 230,000 to 736,000, with the most likely estimates around the half‐million mark. Despite the confrontational politics surrounding the numbers issue in the 1980s, a consensus is developing in the 1990s among private groups, including some major advocacy organizations, and all levels of government regarding policy direction in assistance programs for the homeless. There is widespread recognition that the goal should be to end homelessness, not simply to provide emergency assistance. Permanent housing solutions for special populations are needed in the context of renewed efforts to combat poverty.

In the public debate about the policy implications of divergent national estimates of the numbers of homeless persons, a common assumption is that the estimates vary widely and inexplicably—anywhere from a few hundred thousand to three million or more. Those who do try to explain the odd discrepancy between the extremes seem to assume that any count is politically motivated. They say that it depends on how one defines homelessness and who is counting. In other words, the implication is that numbers derive from policy and politics, rather than the other way around.

Given such perceptions, it is not surprising that some who have neither the time nor, perhaps, the resources to judge the accuracy of estimates begin to feel that the truth must be somewhere in between, as if a mathematical average were equivalent to a political compromise. Others will believe the message if they like the messenger. In a recent book on homelessness, for example, the author confesses that he trusts estimates “made by people who live where ‘the rubber meets the road’… rather more than the bright theorists tucked away in ivory towers.”¹ Although many statistics are politically controversial, it is probably safe to say that the debate on homelessness during the past decade represents the apogee of political numerology. It is worth reviewing just how this came to pass.     

Keep Them in the Dark: Australian Government Strategy to Weaken Activism against Australia's new Nuclear Reactor

Martin O'Connor, editor: Is Capitalism Sustainable? Political Economy and the Politics of Ecology. New York: Guilford Publications, 1994.

Kate Soper: What is Nature? Oxford: Blackwell, 1995.

Jim Schwab: Deeper Shades of Green: The Rise of Blue‐Collar and Minority Environmentalism in America. San Francisco, CA: Sierra Club Books, 1994.

Michael E. Zimmerman: Contesting Earth's Future: Radical Ecology and Postmodernity. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994.

Michael Hough: Cities and Natural Process. New York: Routledge, 1995.

Wayne Roberts and Susan Brandum: GET A LIFE! How to make a good buck, Dance around the dinosaurs, and Save the world while you're at it. Get A Life Publishing, Toronto, 1995.

Sara Berry: No Condition is Permanent: The Social Dynamics of Agrarian Change in Sub‐Saharan Africa. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1993.     

Public waste and private property. An enquiry into the economics of solid waste in Calcutta

Perceptions of solid waste management in India belong to a tradition of thought which dates back to the early nineteenth century. Solid waste is often thought of as a purely municipal problem. The paper examines how far informal systems of solid waste management are a response to a void in property rights. It analyses the variety of local operations in Calcutta, including the informal system. The assumptions that solid waste management is a public good that therefore needs to be municipalized and that in the absence of municipalization there would be greater costs are both questioned. It is hypothesized that there may be no measurable economies of scale in any part of the waste cycle. It may be more worthwhile to improve and expand the informal system of waste management than to collectivize further the traditional system of collection, transportation and disposal.     

防止利益冲突制度建设的文化诉求

建立健全防止利益冲突制度,是推进反腐倡廉制度创新的核心问题。新制度主义认为,文化是制度之母,制度的建立健全依靠文化的滋养。廉洁从政权力观是防止利益冲突制度建设的理论前提,行政伦理的法制化是防止利益冲突制度建设的基础内容,对廉政制度的信仰是防止利益冲突制度有力执行的社会保障。建立健全防止利益冲突制度,必须将廉政文化建设作为前提性、基础性和保障性工作来对待和推进。     

构建社会主义和谐社会是一项复杂的社会系统工程

社会主义和谐社会是一个复杂的动态网络系统,而构建社会主义和谐社会则是一项复杂的社会系统工程。这项工程在运行机制和功能上都有其特殊的表现。不仅如此,它还内蕴着规律的复杂动态网络系统的交互作用。正确把握这些规律及其交互作用,对于推进社会主义和谐社会的建设至关重要。     

“亲亲相隐”与和谐社会的构建

"亲亲相隐"作为以人伦亲情为纽带的传统法律制度,对尊重人性与实现正义,以及保护人权与构建和谐社会有着十分重要的意义,应当在我国刑事立法中予以体现。本文在介绍"亲亲相隐"制度的历史沿革与国外立法例的基础上,分析了"亲亲相隐"制度在我国现行刑事立法中缺失的成因,论证了如何重新构建亲亲相隐制度,以期裨益于刑事立法与司法。     

村组干部的更替与报酬--湖北J市调查

本文讨论了对村民自治具有决定性影响的村组干部的更替过程与报酬制度.本文认为,在村组干部由委任到选任的变化过程中,乡镇为了完成各项中心工作,而普遍采用了控制村组干部报酬数量与结构的措施.正是村组干部的报酬制度,决定了村组干部的行为方向,并成为决定村民自治状况的一个根本性因素.     

‘No Interest in Land': Legal and Spatial Enclosure of Gypsy-Travellers in Britain

This paper examines the place of Gypsy-Travellers within the British legal system. It considers the function of the law in establishing moral and social norms and pathologising aspects of Traveller life. It examines how a variety of legal principles, discourses and bureaucratic agencies combine to construct travellers as deviant with regard to the moral and social order. It considers the attempts in British law to control Travellers' spatial practices and nomadic lifestyle, and the ambivalent nature of legislation in this area. The Caravan Sites Act 1968 is examined in terms of its formation and implementation. The origin and impact of the Criminal Justice and Public Order Act 1994 are assessed. It contends that the criminal justice system has its own rationality which may conflict with both that of the formal law and other parts of the state. It is argued that institutional discrimination exists within the legal system, based on ingrained ‘sedentarist' assumptions about what constitutes a normal way of life. Both the 1968 and the 1994 Acts can be criticised in these terms. Travellers have, however, been able to resist many of the practices of legal and spatial enclosure to which they are subject.