The Marxian theory of crisis,capital and the state ∗

An interpretation of the Marxian theory of crisis that rejects the ‘Keynesianism’ of most post-war contributions on the topic. Various criticisms of Marx's position are examined and two popular but incorrect versions of the theory are discussed; the underconsumptionist and disproportionality theory of crisis. An attempt is made to begin an analysis of the role of state intervention in the economy and indicate the limitations of intervention by the capitalist state implied by Marx's theory of crisis.     

The present crisis in historical perspectiveTitle ∗

The present crisis of capitalism differs from that of the 1930s in major ways. Investment has not collapsed, macroeconomic policy has moved away from instead of towards Keynesian ideas, and economic class conflict has played an important role. The rise of class conflict is attributed to structural, political and ideological changes in the advanced capitalist countries, and macroeconomic policy developments are interpreted as a response to the resulting difficulties. Reasons are advanced for the bouyancy of investment spending since 1973.     

Zionist historiography and its critics: a case of mythtaken identity?

Since the 1980s, several Israeli scholars, who have come to be known as the 'new historians', have been engaged in the reappraisal of the events surrounding the Zionist state's foundation. They have been highly critical, at the same time, of mainstream Israeli historiography. In his book, Fabricating Israeli History, Karsh launches a vigorous counter-attack against the 'new historians', focusing on shlaim's discussion of Zionist-Transjordan relations during the 1948 war and on Morris's account of the factors that precipitated the flight, in that war, of two-thirds of the Palestinian Arab population. The article reviews the main findings of the 'new history' by referece to Karsh's critique. It identifies the principal points of divergence between the 'old' and 'new' interpretations and provides an assessment of their respective claims.     

The conditions of production: A note∗

Herman E. Daly and John B. Cobb: For the Common Good: Redirecting the Economy Toward Community, the Environment, and a Sustainable Future. Boston: Beacon Press, 1989.

Bill Weinberg: War on the Land: Ecology and Politics in Central America. Zed Press, 1991.

Daniel Faber: Environment Under Fire: Imperialism and the Ecological Crisis in Central America. Monthly Review Press, 1993.

Malcom V. Brock: Biotechnology in Japan. Routledge, London/New York, 1989.     

The German question: Anglo‐American,French and west German perspectives

Geteiltes Land ‐ halbes Land? Essays über Deutschland, eingeleitet von Richard Löwenthal. By David P. Calleo, Roger Morgan, Raymond Poidevin and Michael Voslensky. Frankfurt/Berlin: Ullstein, 1986. Pp.240. DM 38.00.

Die deutsche Frage aus der heutigen Sicht des Auslandes. Edited by Han‐nelore Horn and Siegfried Mampel. Berlin: Duncker &; Humblot, 1987. Pp.135. DM 28.00.

Germany between East and West. Edited by Edwina Moreton. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988. Pp.185. DM 22.50.

Deutsche Frage und Westbindung. Edited by Klaus Weigelt. Melle: Knoth Verlag, 1986. Pp.151. DM 14.80.

Die offene deutsche Frage. Gesprdche mit unseren Nachbarn. Edited by Jean‐Paul Picaper and Günter Oeltze von Lobenthal. Berlin: Colloquium, 1987. Pp.199. DM22.00.

Le vertige allemand. By Brigitte Sauzay. Paris: Editions Olivier Orban, 1986. Pp.280.

Welches Deutschland soll es sein? Frankreich und die deutsche Einheit seit 1945. By Ernst Weisenfeld. Munich: C.H. Beck, 1986. Pp.203. DM 29.80.

Confronting the German Question. Germans on the East‐West Divide. By Renata Fritsch‐Bournatzel. Oxford: Berg Publishers, 1988. Pp.150. £16.50.

Das ganze Deutschland. Perspektiven der Wiedervereinigung. By Wolfgang Seiffert. Munich: Piper, 1986. Pp.377. DM 19.80.

Einheit statt Raketen. Thesen zur Wiedervereinigung als Sicherheitskonzept. By Bernhard Friedmann. Herford: Busse/Seewald, 1987. Pp.180. DM 38.00

Deutsche Fragen oder die Suche nach der Staatsräson. Historisch‐politische Kolumnen. By Micheal Stürmer. Munich: Piper, 1988. Pp.211. DM16.80.     

The rationalization of democracy: Liberal,elitist, and corporatist conceptions of democracy∗

Charles Murray, Losing Ground: American Social Policy, 1950–1980 (New York: Basic Books, 1984).

On Bureaucratic Discourse: A Radical Feminist Analysis of the Role of Public Administration in Late Capitalism

Jean Baudrillard, In the Shadow of the Silent Majorities . . . or the End of the Social and Other Essays, trans, by Paul Foss, Paul Patton and John Johnston (New York: Semiotext(e), 1983), 123 pp.

Jean Baudrillard, Simulations, trans. by Paul Foss, Paul Patton and Philip Beitchman (New York: Semiotext(e), 1983), 159 pp.

Omar Cabezas, Fire from the Mountain: The Making of a Sandinista, translated by Kathleen Weaver with a foreword by Carlos Fuentes and an afterword by Walter LaFeber (Crown Publishers, Inc.: New York, 1985), pp. 233.     

Conclusion: The Future of Belgian Federalism—Between Reform and Swansong?

This article summarizes the main arguments of the special issue. It also probes into the deficiencies of the Belgian federal system and argues that the most recent crisis of Belgian federalism (2007–11) is not the result of rising socio-economic differences between Flanders and Wallonia, but the consequence of building a bipolar federation on to a split party system. The article concludes by identifying some potential roadmaps (federal reform, confederalism, and the referendum) for the future.     

Muslims,South Asians and the British mainstream: A national identity crisis?

Current popular opinion assumes that Muslims and South Asians in Britain develop anti-mainstream identities because they live in impoverished and segregated ghettos, participate in non-mainstream religions, and politically organise via ethnically and religiously motivated networks. This article uses survey data from the 2003 Home Office Citizenship Survey to challenge each of those points. First, it shows that Muslims and South Asians are almost as likely as whites to identify themselves as British. Second, it argues that discrimination is more important than simple socio-economic difficulties for British identification. In addition, it claims that despite living in ethnically segregated neighbourhoods and retaining ethnic and religious social and political networks, Muslims and South Asians have actively built integrated networks, have trust in mainstream political institutions, and are committed to being a part of the larger British community.     

Intelligence and the ‘Mindset’: The German invasion of Norway in 1940

‘Weserübung’, the German invasion of Norway and Denmark on 9 April 1940, was a brilliantly successful surprise attack, both strategically and tactically. Strategic surprise was obtained because the idea that Germany was about to launch a major invasion of Norway was remote from any of the preconceived scenarios about Germany's next move. Germany's achievement of tactical surprise was also aided by bad weather in the North Sea. The main reason for the failure of both Norwegian and British policy-makers to comprehend what the Germans were up to lies in the importance of the ‘mindset’. On both sides of the North Sea the conventional wisdom was that Germany would not attempt an invasion of Norway against the supremacy of British sea power. Hence all incoming information was interpreted in Oslo in the light of the next mindset, namely that only a determined British attempt to take control of the Norwegian coast could trigger an armed German retaliation. In London, incoming intelligence was interpreted so as to conform to the Admiralty's preconceived scenario of a German naval breakout into the North Atlantic.     

Socialised to think in terms of left and right? The acceptability of the left and the right among European voters

The left-right dimension plays a crucial role in how political scientists think about politics. Yet we know surprisingly little about the extent to which citizens are able to position themselves on a left-right dimension. By analysing non-response on left-right self-identification question from seven waves of the European Social Survey (N = 295,713), this study demonstrates that citizens’ ability to position themselves on the left-right dimension depends on the political system they live in and its history. Citizens in countries with lower levels of elite polarization place themselves on a left-right dimension less often, this difference is partiularly pronounced for citizens with high levels of political interest. Citizens in countries with a recent authoritarian history were unable to place themselves on the left-right dimension more often. These findings show the importance of political socialization for left-right self-identification.