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1.
《Strategic Comments》2016,22(10):vi-vii
Although three African countries have recently announced their withdrawals from the International Criminal Court (ICC), a mass exodus does not appear imminent. Perceptions of the Court's bias towards African member-states are exaggerated, and it has begun to challenge major powers. Exceptions to the ICC's prosecutorial obligations allowing member-states greater flexibility to accommodate conflict resolution efforts among other situations could make African member-states less hostile to the Court.  相似文献   

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This article assesses the various disagreements between Arab and western states that surfaced at the 1998 Rome Conference and Preparatory Commission. It also discusses the relationship between state repression and cultural adaptation by examining the undeveloped domestic criminal systems of Arab states and the ambiguous role played by shariah (Islamic law) in the constitutions of many of them. It argues two main points: that more mutual accommodation will be needed to resolve these and future conflicts between Islamic and international law; and that such conflicts between the ICC and Arab states expose the need for further cultural adaptation to the ICC Statute. It is out of this process of cultural adaptation that the relationship between Islam and serious international crimes will evolve.  相似文献   

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Southeast Asia is one of the most underrepresented regions in the International Criminal Court (ICC). I address the question of non-ratification of the Rome Statute with a case study on Indonesia. While the Yudhoyono Administration has repeatedly promised to join the ICC, ratification has not materialized. I argue that Indonesia's tradition of emphasizing the protection of state sovereignty and economic gains in its foreign policy decisions best explains why it remains outside the ICC's jurisdiction. I test this claim by exploring Indonesia's human rights record, potential legal restrictions for the ratification of the Rome Statute, and the influence of domestic political players and external pressures.  相似文献   

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With his book ‘Trial Justice’ Tim Allen enters oneof the hottest realms of recent debate in the field of transitionaljustice. His book is the first extensive study on the controversialinvolvement of the International Criminal Court in the conflict,one of Africa's longest conflicts, pertaining to the Lord'sResistance Army in northern Uganda. The stark contrast Allen depicts between two realities,  相似文献   

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Over the last decade, theorists have persistently criticised the assumption that the International Criminal Court (ICC) can produce a noteworthy deterrent effect. Consequently, consensus has emerged that we should probably look for different ways to justify the ICC or else abandon the prestigious project entirely. In this paper, I argue that these claims are ill founded and rest primarily on misunderstandings as to the idea of deterrence through punishment. They tend to overstate both the epistemic certainty as to and the size of the deterrent effect necessary in order to thus justify punishment. I argue that we should in general expect reasonably humane punitive institutions to lead to better consequences than if we abolish punishment entirely, and I show that, contrary to widespread assumption among critics of the ICC, we should not expect the conditions characteristically surrounding mass atrocity to undermine this presumption. Properly understood, the ICC equals adding another “slice of cheese” to our comprehensive crime preventive system modelled along the lines of James Reason’s Swiss cheese model of accident causation and risk management. Undoubtedly, some future perpetrators will elope through the holes in this layer too, but others will be deterred.  相似文献   

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Jackson  Vicki C. 《Publius》1992,22(1):39-54
During its 1988 term, the U.S. Supreme Court addressed two importantaspects of the Eleventh Amendment, which generally protectsstates from being sued in federal courts. First, the Court heldthat the Congress has power to abrogate states' immunity fromsuit—to subject states to suits in federal courts fordamages—under Congress' expansive commerce-clause power.Second, the Court made clear that such abrogation would be foundonly where the text of the statute itself, as distinct fromits legislative history, clearly and specifically so provided.This article describes these decisions, and analyzes some oftheir implications for judicial federalism.  相似文献   

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在国际关系的现实中,国际民主的实践与主权制度相联系,而发展中国家与发达国家在主权制度的理解与实践上存在的不同集中表现为主权制度本身的弹性变化。通过对主权制度的历史、现实演变以及相关理论的分析,能够发现其实两类国家对于主权制度看似矛盾的理解与实践反映的是"共同但有区别"的国际民主的诉求。  相似文献   

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国际人权保护是现今国际人权活动中的一项重要内容。以美国为首的西方国家把国际人权保护同尊重国家主权的原则对立起来,为其干涉别国内政制造借口。其实,国际人权保护与尊重国家主权是一致的。国家主权没有过时,国际人权保护以尊重国家主权为前提,不能以人权为借口干涉别国内政,国际干预也不能单方面地进行。  相似文献   

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陈安国  杨阳 《理论探讨》2006,(1):121-123
全球化时代,国家主权面临来自政治、经济、文化等各个方面的新挑战,各种主权学说也随之产生。马克思主义认为,只有坚持建立历史唯物主义基础的“主权正义”学说,才是世界各国处理有关国家主权问题的根本出路。  相似文献   

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As global interdependence grows, states often use international organizations to achieve both domestic and foreign policy goals. One way states respond to demands for cooperation is to delegate to international organizations and private actors. In this article, we use new data spanning a century of international environmental law to understand when and why states delegate to international organizations to manage environmental problems. We find that delegation is a persistent phenomenon that facilitates the implementation of states' preferences. However, they make this decision with care: States tend to delegate functions with lower sovereignty costs, such as implementation and monitoring, but rarely delegate rule making and enforcement. We also find that heterogeneous preferences among states increases the likelihood of delegation. Overall, our results suggest that states seek to delegate out of a motivation both to reduce transaction costs and to establish credible commitments.  相似文献   

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Abstract The aims of this paper are fourfold: first, to show that the present invasion and occupation of Iraq is in fact the culmination of a campaign that began with the 'war' in the Gulf in 1991 and continued with over a decade of constant bombardment and embargo, with the overall aim of establishing a client regime in Iraq as a means of achieving a number of important economic and geopolitical aims; second, to discuss the role of the UN in the New World Order and the change in this role between the 'Clinton doctrine' and the 'Bush' doctrine'; third, to discuss the criminal invasion itself and the dubious character of the 'victory' claimed by the transnational elite,1 all the members of which, directly or indirectly, took part in this campaign; fourth to examine the role of the Left in relation to the 'war'.Our armies do not come into your cities and lands as conquerors or enemies, but as liberators. (British) Proclamation of Baghdad, 19 March 1917 Our forces are friends and liberators of the Iraqi people, not your conquerors. Tony Blair's address on Towards Freedom TV, 10 April 2003  相似文献   

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英国宪法理论中关于司法审查合法性的争论一直在激烈进行,这一争论表现为传统越权原理、经过修正的越权原理、普通法模式等理论对司法审查合法性的论证。合法性争论在司法的创造力、法治、对议会主权的限制三个方面对英国法院与议会主权的关系产生了重大的影响。它对如何构建我国违宪审查制度、我国法院如何保护公民基本权利以及我国法院如何处理与人大立法的关系具有重要的启示作用。  相似文献   

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The European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) boasts one of the strongest oversight systems in international human rights law, but implementing the ECtHR??s rulings is an inherently domestic and political process. This article begins to bridge the gap between the Court in Strasbourg and the domestic process of implementing the Court??s rulings by looking at the domestic institutions and politics that surround the execution of the ECtHR??s judgments. Using case studies from the UK and Russia, this article identifies two factors that are critical for the domestic implementation of the Court??s rulings: strong domestic, democratic institutions dedicated to implementing the ECtHR??s judgments and an overarching sense of responsibility to set a good example at home and abroad for respecting human rights and the rule of law. This article concludes with a discussion of the steps necessary to facilitate better implementation of the ECtHR??s rulings.  相似文献   

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International criminal tribunals established by the UN Security Council in the 1990s have been widely acclaimed as active participants in the modern system of dynamic criminal justice. One of their best known achievements is the prosecution of rape and sexual assaults. The International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) set an example for other tribunals to follow. By interpreting a variety of international laws, the community of international legal professionals has been able to shift the prevailing understanding of rape and sexual violence away from that of an “unfortunate byproducts of war.” Not only has the epistemic community of legal professionals been able to end impunity for these crimes, but case-law of international tribunals has become a basis for subsequent trials at quasi-international tribunals. Decisions of the tribunals have been instrumental in drafting the Statute of the International Criminal Court and can be regarded as an example of the formation of new international norms by means of judicial decisions.  相似文献   

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百年来,为惩治战犯、实现和平,国际社会成立了五大国际刑事法院,构建了新的法律体系。作为完整的诉讼机构,国际刑事法院设置了国际检察官与案件调查制度,产生了新型的国际侦查程序。国际侦查程序主要包括调查的启动、调查的实施、结果的处分、程序的监督等方面内容。探析国际刑事法院侦查程序对于完善国际刑事法理论与实践具有重大意义。  相似文献   

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