The Welsh Liberal Democrats: From Government to Opposition and Then Back Again?

For over 50 years from 1945 onwards, the Liberal Party and then the Liberal Democrats were either in decline in Wales or struggling to survive from election to election. Since 1997, however, there has been a steady evolution in the party's electoral and political strength. Over this past decade, the Welsh Liberal Democrats, as a state party, have experienced a change in electoral fortunes that has on occasions put them into national political power well in advance of their federal counterparts in England. As an autonomous state party within a federal structure, the Welsh Liberal Democrats have been able to take like a duck to water to the arrival of devolution in the form of the Welsh Assembly. This article examines how the evolution of the party has occurred and, in particular, the role that has been played by the Welsh Liberal Democrat Assembly Members in Welsh politics. The article also explores not only the strengths but also the weaknesses that still dog the Welsh party as it seeks once more to become a major force in Welsh politics.     

历史唯物主义的非目的论阐释

历史目的论具有抽象同一性的普遍历史观、单线性的进步观和将个人视为历史目的实现工具的人学观三个基本特征.马克思通过对资本主义产生的地域特殊性以及原始积累过程中政治暴力因素的分析,揭示了历史唯物主义不具有历史目的论的抽象同一性和单线性进步论的特点.而他对历史产生和发展实质的考察,则彰显了个人在历史中的在场以及历史发展的合目的性根源.历史唯物主义实现了历史发展的合目的性和合规律性的统一,超越了历史目的论,是真正的历史科学.     

东北振兴再出发：从问题思维到优势视角

在发展主义影响下,人们对东北发展与振兴的认识呈现出明显的唯经济论倾向,即简单地将东北发展问题等同于区域经济赶超问题。囿于产业、企业、产值、税收等看得见的物质性因素,经济手段成为推进东北振兴的关键举措,经济增长成为评价振兴成效的核心标准。相应的,在实施多轮振兴战略之后,面对经济调整的低效表现,某些社会归因也从主张改革经济结构转而质疑东北文化、传统甚至东北人,形成一种全面唱衰、难以逆转的“问题思维”。在新发展阶段,应超越发展主义对经济增长的迷恋,运用更积极的眼光看待区域发展危机,从社会文化多元视角激发地区内生优势和自主潜能,找寻东北社会的发展自信和转型之道。     

American Federalism: From Johnson to Bush

Intergovernmental developments for more than twenty-five yearshave produced a nation-centered federalism—strongly sofrom 1964 to 1978, somewhat less so from 1969–1988, anda little more so during the past two years. The reasons forthis fundamental systemic transformation include: (1) the demiseof the earlier, 150-year old, confederative party system andthe rise of a new political system with weak federative parties,but other more powerful political actors; (2) an operationaland local representational renaissance of the states, but alsoa concomitant decline of state and local political influencein Washington; (3) a steadily centralizing Supreme Court, withonly a few pro-state decisions until 1989; and (4) a rapid risein national preemptions and of a "new social regulation" thatwas aimed at state and local governments as much as at the privatesector, even as the states were used to implement them. Theonly real constraint on national activism since 1982 has beenbudget-driven federalism, not planned reform efforts. The currentsystem then requires political, representational, judicial,and constitutional reforms if the centralizing, cooptive, andpermissive features of contemporary federalism are to be corrected.     

历史阐释:政治、叙事与言辞结构

19世纪欧洲的历史意识面对一个问题是:历史研究的规范应当如何满足于对所论题材的理解,而不仅仅吁求对它们的解释。在阐释的阐释者与阐释者之间获得历史阐释权威性的竞争具有分享权力的政治意涵。它从特定群体之中获得合法性且在群体之上施行它的权威。历史阐释真理性就会因其政治权威诉求而受到贬低,但将政治权威视作历史阐释的工具并予以抑制或升华是能够产生实质意义的。后现代历史叙事学以为,唯物史观只有借助于辩证法的形式论证方面才有可能证成。它所牵涉到的关于历史实在的内容未被现实化之前,辩证法之叙事话语形式就是它的内容。若错失这种"形式的内容",就意味着唯物史观叙事能力或意义本身的缺失。后现代历史叙事学的要害是受制于历史解释的形式特征,但它也更易在20世纪的历史转折点上自行暴露出形式主义的虚妄。当形式主义被当作免遭非难地为所欲为的方法,这里成为时代错误的正是作为形式主义的方法。     

对历史唯物主义片面解读的分析及启示

恩格斯逝世后,第一代马克思主义者通过重新诠释历史唯物主义来反击资产阶级理论家的各种挑战。第二国际正统派在坚持马克思主义基本原则的基础上对历史唯物主义进行了客体化解读,但在现实上却反对无产阶级暴力革命。早期西方马克思主义者从主体方面理解历史唯物主义,力求恢复历史唯物主义应有的革命性,但对制约主体活动的客观因素关注不够,走向了另一个极端。因此,通过一种合理的解读模式克服上述片面解读的理论缺陷显得十分必要。     

From Imperium to Internet: the National Alliance and the American extreme right

Led by William Pierce, a former officer in the National Socialist White People's Party, America's National Alliance has achieved particular notoriety as a result of Pierce's authoring of a genocidal political thriller called The Turner Diaries. Pierce argues, both in his fiction and elsewhere, for the recruitment of an elite that will one day lead to an armed struggle against The System. The argument of others on the extreme right in the United States, however, that only individuals or at most small cells can successfully overthrow the state represents a grave challenge to the Alliance's groupuscular logic.     

论公家秩序:家国关系的历史政治学阐释北大核心CSSCISSCI

作为国家治理传统中心轴的家国关系自现代转型以来经历了困境:在实践中被捍卫、被维系,在学理上却被抨击、被解构。走出西方现代性的单向思维控制,反思家父长制、家产官僚制、家天下等话语,是重构国家治理体系理论的必要条件。依据钱穆著述,公家秩序论尝试提出植根于中国经验和智慧的解释框架。政治与社会一体、政治法统尊重社会是家国关系的精髓。人伦主义主张个体通过耦伍共成树立自我,把家作为公家秩序的起点和原型,国和天下又在家的推衍层积中形成,这个元宪制涵括了不同于个人主义的群己公私观。只有建立在人类性情关系上的大群秩序才能扩展并长生,天下为公和天下一家分别从公与家的两端构筑了秩序的至善规范。超越政体论制度主义的观察视角,公家秩序的历史生成机制表现出共同体基于家而展开模拟融扩与修正矫治的内生二重性,生发原理与组织原理显现为主从关系。公家秩序的权力组织受到家团体原型、人伦主义和礼治的涵容,铸就了政治与教化、社会、经济一体化的礼法特质,这也是家国韧性的宪制缘由。     

On Introducing Proportionality in American Presidential Elections: An Historical Analysis, 1828–2008

It is well known that the President of the United States is elected by the Electoral College and not directly by the population. Every time a candidate who does not win the most popular votes is elected President, detractors of the Electoral College call for its abolishment and supporters extol its undoubtedly merits. This article investigates what would have happened if a solution halfway between both extremes (a direct national election and the current system) had been used in historical Presidential elections; namely, a proportional rule with thresholds to assign electors in each state. This system would generate electoral colleges closer to popular will, reduce the risk of electing a minority president and impose the need of more balanced regional support to be elected, although increasing the risk of a third candidate emerging.     

The Politics of Indian Gaming: Tribe/State Relations and American Federalism

Since the passage of the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act in 1988,gambling on reservations has become a multibillion dollar industry.The act, however, has led to jurisdictional conflicts betweentribes and states. These conflicts are redefining the positionand role of Indian tribes in American federalism. As the tribeshave gained autonomy, states have lost jurisdictional powerand control. The federal government has become the arbiter inthe disputes and, as such, has continued to maintain its positionof supremacy and power over both tribes and states.