THE COMPUTERIZATION OF SOCIAL SECURITY: THE WAY FORWARD OR A STEP BACKWARDS?

The Department of Social Security is one of the largest government departments, consuming 30 percent of public spending and employing around 10 per cent of central government StJ. Before 1980 there were no computers in its local administrative centres. The Operational Strategy was a plan to change this, involving the construction of largescale computer systems and the installation of 40,000 terminals in 1,000 local offices and unemployment offices. It is the largest programme of computerization ever undertaken in Europe. Full national coverage is expected in 1991. But the project has been plagued with problems: costs have soared from £700m. to £2, CCXh-n. and rising, planned savings have fallen, expected benefits seem unlikely to be achieved and implementation errors have caught the public eye. What caused these problems and are they as serious as reports in the press might lead the public to believe? Computerization has the potential to make possible many far reaching changes to administrative functions and working practices. It is important to study the decisional implications of these changes before the computers themselves become embedded in the structure of the organization.     

TRANSFORMING SOCIAL SECURITY BENEFITS ADMINISTRATION FOR THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY: TOWARDS ONE-STOP SERVICES AND THE CLIENT GROUP PRINCIPLE?

The creation of the new Social Security Benefits Agency in 1991 coincided with the final installation in local offices of the first Operational Strategy computer systems, which automated large parts of social security benefits administration. Since then the agency has refocused its strategic thinking towards a ten-year development programme which is centred around plans for'one-stop'benefits delivery. The article shows why this programme is dependent on'informatization'- the generation from, and application to, social security administration of new kinds of information, made possible by information and communications technologies ( ict s). It assesses the feasibility and implications of informatizing benefits administration and the likely effects of continuing pressures to reduce administrative costs. It argues that, whilst the agency will become more customer focused, the practical outcomes are likely to be two-edged for claimants. At a policy level, informatization will reinforce political pressures to rationalize and target the benefits system, especially if information-management problems are controlled by a shift to the client group principle.     

Social insurance financing for long-term care: creative public policy to halt pauperization of the elderly and disabled in nursing homes

Long-term care (LTC) in institutions is one of the last major remaining gaps in the social insurance safety net provided to beneficiaries of Social Security.⁽¹⁾ However, Medicaid pays almost half of the costs of nursing home care after institutionalized elderly or disabled persons become impoverished. Structural reasons make it impossible for private insurance to cover institutional LTC for the bulk of the elderly and disabled. The paper demonstrates that there is an efficient, equitable and feasible social insurance solution to this serious social problem.

The second section details a plan for a Medicare Part C Trust Fund to cover extended stays in nursing homes by Social Security beneficiaries (virtually the entire elderly population and most of the long-term disabled). It involves: (1) maintenance of current government funding indexed to inflation; (2) a premium taken from the cost-of-living allowances (COLAs) due to beneficiaries in the years immediately after they qualify for Social Security; (3) a substantial copayment; (4) a deductible consisting of the first three months of nursing home care; (5) a two-year waiting period between qualification for Social Security and full LTC coverage. The three revenue streams will all increase automatically with inflation. The plan is designed to cover only institutional LTC costs in order to reduce complexity, minimize the price tag and maximize its political chances. However, it could be expanded to cover home and community-based care.

The second half of the analysis explores the policy justifications supporting such a plan and considers the political reasons why this carefully crafted proposal might appeal to moderate conservatives as well as to progressives.     

Public Philanthropic Partnerships: The Changing Nature of Government/Foundation Relationships in the US

Relationships between foundations and the government in the United States have long been difficult with government attitudes ranging from hostile to at best indifferent in the past. American foundations have long claimed innovation as a distinctive function to perform in society in order to preserve their legitimacy. One hundred years after the rise of the large-scale American philanthropic foundation, however, the relationships between foundations and government have come into flux. Between demands from fiscally-strapped local governments and a new openness of state and federal governments to develop collaborative relationships, a variety of public-philanthropic partnerships have emerged that question the traditional roles and distribution of labor between philanthropy and the state. This article traces the historical development of the government/foundation relationship and discusses its changing nature using recession-induced ad hoc partnerships, the emergence of foundation liaison offices, and the Obama Administration’s Social Innovation Fund and Investing in Innovation program as examples.     

Social Protection Policy or a Political Largesse: Disability Fund Efficacy Assessment and Roadblocks to Sustainable Development Goals

ABSTRACT

Social protection policies have been tools for fighting social exclusion, inequality and reducing poverty incidence among vulnerable populations in developing countries. In this regard, the government of Ghana through the institution of the disability fund has demonstrated a commitment to advancing the cause of people with disabilities. In assessing policy efficacy, the realities on the ground, as well as policy challenges, 130 persons with disability (PWDs) and 10 Key Informants (KIs) were recruited from across five regions. In addition to conducting face-to-face interviews with PWDs, the study conducted a number of interviews with key informants (KIs). The study findings concluded amongst other things that, the policy is plagued with challenges such as limited information about the fund, fund access difficulty and disbursement delays. It was also revealed that; the policy is saddled with opacity and partisan politics. To ensure efficiency and expedite the achievement of Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 1, the research proposed for policy restructuring. In addition to introducing financial literacy and management training for beneficiaries, the study proffers decoupling the fund management from political structures to help meet the objectives for which it was incepted.     

Notes on Contributors

Social services departments have been an integral feature of local authorities in England for delivering social services since 1970 with a distinct identity, a largely uniform set of social service functions and similar organisational structure. This model of a unified social services department has survived major structural reorganisations in local government, the community care initiatives and social services modernisation agendas. This paper reviews recent government initiatives to promote closer collaboration between health and social services and identifies the different models now in place or being put into place. These include formal partnerships, integrated management, integrated care trusts and the example of fully integrated health and social services trusts. The paper considers whether such developments along with the establishment of new children's trusts will finally mean the disintegration of local authority social services departments, whether the Seebohm vision has been abandoned and what future there is for social care within local government.     

Local Public-Services Provision under Public–Private Partnerships: Contractual Design and Contracting Parties Incentives

When deciding to resort to a PPP contract for the provision of a local public service, local governments have to consider the demand risk allocation between the contracting parties. In this article, I investigate the effects of demand risk allocation on the accountability of procuring authorities regarding consumers changing demand, as well as on the cost-reducing effort incentives of the private public-service provider. I show that contracts in which the private provider bears demand risk motivate more the public authority from responding to customer needs. This is due to the fact that consumers are empowered when the private provider bears demand risk, that is, they have the possibility to oust the private provider in case of non-satisfaction with the service provision, which provides procuring authorities with more credibility in side-trading and then more incentives to be responsive. As a consequence, I show that there is a lower matching with consumers’ preferences over time when demand risk is on the public authority rather than on the private provider, and this is corroborated in the light of two famous case studies. However, contracts in which the private provider does not bear demand risk motivate more the private provider from investing in cost-reducing efforts. I highlight then a tradeoff in the allocation of demand risk between productive and allocative efficiency. The striking policy implication of this article for local governments would be that the current trend towards a greater resort to contracts where private providers bear little or no demand risk may not be optimal. Local governments should impose demand risk on private providers within PPP contracts when they expect that consumers’ preferences over the service provision will change over time.     

Why Does Citizens' Knowledge of New Policy Vary Between Municipalities? The Case of the Social Support Act

Providing information to citizens is an important first step in the implementation of new policy. In this study we explain differences in the knowledge of citizens between municipalities of a newly introduced law in the Netherlands, the Social Support Act, 10 months after it became into force. This law is especially important for older people that need support in their daily functioning and participation. We focused on two aspects of knowledge related to the act, i.e. having heard of the new act, and knowing how voice with regard to policy on support is organised in the place of residence. Given that socialist local governments focus more on social topics than liberal local governments, we expected citizens of municipalities with socialist councils to have more knowledge about the new Social Support Act. Contrary to our expectations, citizens from municipalities where a liberal party or a collaboration of liberal/socialist parties is the largest, have a better understanding of how voice is organised. On the other hand, citizens in municipalities with an alderman from a combination of liberal/socialist parties have a lower chance of having heard of the Social Support Act. We argue that in view of the Social Support Act, the ideology of a local government related to citizens' responsibilities (liberal view) may have more influence on citizens' knowledge than being a government that pays attention to social issues (socialist view). As far as individual differences between citizens are concerned, as expected, older people that are more educated but in poorer health status have more knowledge about the new act. A higher educational level and an excellent mental health status are related to more knowledge about voice. Educational level is the most powerful predictor for knowledge about the act.     

Using Twitter for Dialogic Communication: Local Government Strategies in the European Union

Abstract

Social networks have changed the way in which governments communicate with citizens, encouraging them to participate in decision-making processes. Nevertheless, few studies have specifically addressed the use of social networks in public sector from the standpoint of dialogic communication theory. The aim of this study is, first, to analyse the extent to which European local governments are developing dialogic strategies in their Twitter profiles in order to establish and enhance relations with their citizens and then to examine the impact of certain factors on the implementation of these dialogic strategies. The findings show that the situation is open to improvement, because local governments are mostly unaware of the benefits offered by the use of dialogic principles when establishing online relationships with stakeholders. Therefore, this paper sheds light on the dialogic potential that social networks provide in public sector, and particularly, it offers a guide regarding how local government should implement Twitter to foster the dialogic communication with citizens.     

Social Capital and the Number of Governments within a County: A Potential Problem with Social Capital

Social capital has been demonstrated to be a benefit to a community in a variety of ways. However, researchers have begun to point out that social capital does have a downside. Communities that use bonding social capital to mobilise residents to action have the potential to exclude outsiders from their communities. The number of governments in a county could be used as an indicator of bonding social capital within a region. Residents use their local government to create and pass laws that have the potential to exclude others. The current analysis used the number of governments as a proxy for bonding social capital. Findings demonstrate that as the level of bonding social capital (the number of governments) increased the social capital in the county increased. Residents use their bonding social capital to respond to others, which then increases the level of social capital to be able to mobilise in the future.     

Introducing Purchaser/Provider Separation in the Catalan Health Administration: A Budget Analysis

This article examines the extent to which the Catalan reform launched in 1990 effectively introduced the purchaser/provider separation within the public health administration. The reform had two formulation sources: a law passed by the Catalan Parliament, which left this principle vague, and a further 'new public management' discourse, which interpreted the law in terms of a clear purchaser/provider separation. This study uses Dunleavy's (1991) analytical model of agency types to compare the impact of the reform on the budget structures of the health administration agencies affected — namely, the Department of Health and Social Security, the Catalan Health Service and the Catalan Health Institute. The data show that while the provider role was clearly defined and implemented, the purchaser role was not. Instead, the role of the health authority embodied the complex blend of functions established by the text of the law, which was also reflected in its budget structure, and which blurred the separation between purchaser and provider.     

Can the World Bank Build Social Capital? The Experience of Social Funds in Malawi and Zambia

Social funds have been one of the main manifestations of the World Bank's move toward promoting projects with a participatory orientation. Supporters of social funds argue that participation in social fund activities builds community social capital. Critics of the Bank's use of social capital argue that it ignores power structures but these critics have focused on the Bank's research rather than its operations. This paper examines ‘social capital’ in a project context: social funds in Malawi and Zambia. In contrast to the model of collective action suggested by proponents of social funds, it is shown that the nature of community participation is indeed shaped by existing power and social relations. Project identification and execution is led by a small number of people in the community, usually the head teacher in cooperation with the PTA and traditional authorities. The community is then mobilised using the traditional structures of village headmen. Most community members participate actively in making bricks, but passively in decision making. However, this process should be seen as an institutional adaptation to what social funds offer, not elite capture. Most community members are satisfied with the outcome, although the chosen project is not what they would have chosen themselves. Given these processes, social funds do little to build social capital but instead, appear to be users of existing social capital.     

Corporate Social Responsibility and the Oil Industry in the Russian Arctic: Global Norms and Neo-Paternalism

Examining the oil and gas industry in the Russian Arctic, this article investigates the gap between corporate social responsibility (CSR) as articulated in corporate offices and implemented at the local level. In Russia, global CSR norms interact with weak formal institutions and the strong informal expectations of state officials and local communities that companies bear responsibility for welfare and infrastructure. As a result, the concept of citizens as ‘stakeholders’ is underdeveloped. Instead, local residents remain subjects within a neo-paternalist system of governance that mimics some elements of the Soviet past. Compensation for damages to indigenous peoples has blurred legal obligations and the voluntary nature of CSR. However, the CSR in the region is constantly developing and formal methods of compensation may assist in clarifying the scope and practice of CSR.     

How the World Bank manages social risks: implementation of the Social Risk Mitigation Project in Turkey

This paper aims to assess the World Bank’s social risk management approach to poverty by focusing on the implementation details of the Social Risk Mitigation Project in Turkey, a World Bank project that depends on this approach. The paper looks at the approach through the concept of neoliberal governmentality, as an attempt to produce responsible poor citizens during a period when the responsibility for providing social services is transferred to the market and the family. By using field research it demonstrates that, with the intervention of local factors, several unintended consequences emerge in the implementation of a social risk management project. The article concludes that these outcomes, although not planned or intended, have all been instrumental in depoliticising poverty and the poor in the country. Moreover, in spite of all the problems and dissatisfaction, thanks to the Bank’s own portrayal, this project has contributed to the image of the Bank as a development institution that achieves successes in its fight with poverty.     

Social Media Use in Local Government: An Australian Perspective

Social media offers governments extensive opportunities to engage with citizens, particularly at the local level. This study investigates the issues that local governments face in implementing social media initiatives. It builds on existing literature by using an interpretive approach to examine the perceptions of public employees and elected officials of local councils in an Australian context. The article reports on the issues that inhibit a move to a more interactive use of social media and examines how these may be addressed. Implications for research and practice are given.     

Receive Grants or Perish? The Survival Prospects of Ugandan Non-Governmental Organisations

This study examines survival patterns in a large, representative panel of Ugandan non-governmental organisations (NGOs) between 2002 and 2008. It finds no evidence that more effective or more altruistic NGOs have a greater likelihood of survival. The main determinant of survival appears to be access to grants, and NGOs without grants struggle to survive. An investigation of the grant allocation mechanism suggests that effectiveness does not increase an NGO's likelihood of receiving a grant. Grant allocation appears to be neither fair nor effective, but rather to be awarded on the basis of habit rather than merit: once a grant has been allocated there is a strong tendency for it to persist. The odds are stacked against small NGOs that have not previously received grants. A picture emerges of two parallel NGO worlds: one where revenues are small, variable and hard to come by and survival is not very likely, and the other where revenues are high, more stable and more accessible and survival is more likely. The study suggests it may be difficult for an NGO to move from the former to the latter.     

Joining it up? Health and Wellbeing Boards in English Local Governance: Evidence from Clinical Commissioning Groups and Shadow Health and Wellbeing Boards

Statutory responsibility for health care and social care has long been separated between National Health Service (NHS) bodies and local government authorities. Repeated policy attempts to promote service integration through collaboration between such authorities have achieved little. The latest of such policy interventions are the Health and Wellbeing Boards (HWBs) established by the 2012 Health and Social Care Act (HSCA) alongside a range of other organisational innovations, including Clinical Commissioning Groups (CCGs). These organisations await full legal and operational status but have begun to develop structures and processes. HWBs are intended to lead the integrated assessment of local needs to inform both NHS health and local authority social care commissioners. We undertook detailed qualitative case studies in eight CCGs during 2011–2012 and here report observational and interview data related to CCGs’ perspectives and observations of early HWB developments. We found that developing HWBs vary greatly in their structure and approach, but we also identified a number of significant issues that are familiar from earlier research into health and social care integration. These include heavy dependence on voluntary agreements to align the strategic plans of the many different new statutory bodies; a significant role for mundane organisational processes in determining the extent of effective co-operation; and problems arising from factors such as size and the arrangements of local boundaries.     

Need,justice and central–local relations: The case of social assistance in China

Social assistance is increasingly promoted as a means of tackling poverty. However, in established democracies stable delivery has often proved difficult because of tensions between national and local government, the former desiring comprehensiveness and uniformity, the latter requiring flexibility to meet local needs. These issues are explored in the context of China and Dibao, the world's largest social assistance system, with three questions posed: Do similar tensions exist in China as in the Western world? How are they resolved and what is the nature of the political compromise? How do recipients fare? Policy analysis in a village in south‐central China reveals similar tensions. A regime in which local government employed discretion to prioritize social stability over poverty alleviation has been replaced by an inherently unstable system based on surveillance of officials and local cadres who now prioritize their personal security over the needs of applicants.     

The effects of social and economic distance on interlocal police cooperation

Fragmented jurisdictional settings, particularly in the provision of local police services, characterize many metropolitan areas in this country. An im portant issue is whether differences in the social and economic makeup of local jurisdictions constitute barriers to the cooperation that is necessary to control urban crime. In this article, social, economic, and racial differences between suburban municipalities are examined to determine their effects on measures of cooperation between local police departments.

Social distance and differences in racial mix between jurisdictions are more strongly and more consistently associated with levels of cooperation between suburban police departments than is economic distance. Greater social distance appears to enhance cooperation. The study indicates that greater differences in the proportions of nonwhite residents between suburban municipalities are linked to lower levels of cooperative agreements between police departments. Finally, the findings from this study indicate that greater economic distance is not associated consistently with lower levels of cooperation.     

Contracting Out: Dutch Municipalities Reject the Solution for the VAT Distortion

In 2003, the Dutch government introduced a VAT-compensation fund in order to create a level playing field for local governments with respect to Value Added Tax (VAT). This fund eliminates the effect of the tax difference between local governments that supply services themselves and local governments that contract out services to the private sector. However, as this article shows, according to most municipalities, differences in their treatment in terms of VAT did not hinder the contracting out of public services. Therefore, the VAT compensation fund lacks legitimacy. It appears to have had little effect so far, as the number of contracted-out public services has hardly increased since its introduction. In general, municipalities have a negative opinion of the fund. They state that non-budgetary effects and institutional considerations, such as the quality of services, the vulnerability of municipal activities and concern for employment in the municipality itself, are more relevant to decision making on outsourcing.