Relationship status of battered women over time

A longitudinal study of 114 women, all having serious problems in intimate relationships, recruited from the community was undertaken in order to investigate relationship and battering status over time. In the original sample (N=193), 97 women were battered and 96 were not battered, as determined by an adaptation of the Conflict Tactics Scale. Of the 114 who returned approximately 2 and 1/2 years later, only 25% of the 51 originally battered women were still in that category. Discriminant function analysis using a combination of variables from established instruments (depression, self-esteem, physical symptoms, self-care agency) and in depth interview (education, relationship control, relationship duration, childhood abuse) failed to distinguish those battered from those not abused at Time 2. Results do not support a learned helplessness model for most women experiencing abuse, and they suggest that battered women seen in the health care and/or social services systems should be supported in a process of healthy decision making about their relationship status.     

Factors moderating physical and psychological symptoms of battered women

Physical and psychological symptoms of battered women were investigated based on the theory that their ongoing victimization would produce stress-related symptoms. It was hypothesized that moderating variables (e.g., frequency and severity of abuse, predictability and controllability of abuse, social support networks) would influence the effects of abuse. Battered women (N = 234) were interviewed according to a structured format which allowed for behavioral indices of the data and categorization of the women's responses. Results indicated that frequency of abuse was a strong predictor of the number and severity of symptoms. Those women who could predict abuse experienced more symptoms. Severity of physical and psychological symptoms was predicted by a model including women with more injuries requiring medical attention, women adhering to traditional sex role values, and the presence of one type of emotional abuse. Battered women perceived their physical and emotional health as deteriorating during the relationship and during the abuse, but as getting healthier after the abuse ended. Future research needs to replicate these findings with a representative group of battered women who are still in the battering relationship.     

Incarcerated Battered Women: A Comparison of Battered Women Who Killed Their Abusers and Those Incarcerated for Other Offenses

The present study compared battered women incarcerated for killing/seriously assaulting their abusers with battered women incarcerated for other offenses to explore possible similarities and differences in the characteristics and experiences of the two groups as well as to determine what factors may lead some battered women to use lethal force against their partners. Comparisons were made on a number of variables including sociodemographic factors, characteristics of the battering relationship, alcohol/drug use of battered women and their abusers, perceived social support, actions taken to end the violence, prior criminal behaviors, and childhood trauma factors. Findings revealed that women in the homicide/assault group were older, in the relationship longer and experienced a longer duration of violence in this relationship. They also experienced more frequent and severe battering, including sex assaults and sustained more injuries than those in the comparison group. Further, battered women who killed/seriously assaulted their partners were more likely to believe that their lives were in danger, were less likely to use violence against their partners, and were less likely to have a prior criminal record or to have served time previously. The implications of the findings are discussed.     

Battered women who kill: A comparative study of incarcerated participants with a community sample of battered women

The present article examines demographic and background variables, psychosocial factors, critical incidents during childhood, battering incidents, and coping methods among 210 battered women. Based on in-depth interviews with a group of incarcerated battered women who had killed their batterers and a community sample of non-violent battered women, several key results were found. The vast majority of battered women who killed their abusive partners was much more likely than the community sample to: (1) have been sexually assaulted during childhood, (2) have dropped out of high school, (3) have an erratic work history of one to three unskilled jobs, (4) have cohabited with their partner, (5) experienced a drug problem, (6) have attempted suicide by drug overdosing, and (7) have access to the batterer's guns. The findings provide support for the increased probability of battered women killing their mates after they have encountered brutal and repeated assaults, death threats, failed in their attempts to escape through alcohol or drug abuse, and failed in their attempts to commit suicide.     

Distress resulting from perceivers' own intimate partner violence experiences predicts culpability attributions toward a battered woman on trial for killing her abuser: a path model

Intimate partner violence (IPV) constitutes the majority of assaults against women in the United States, and greater than one third of female homicide victims are murdered by an intimate partner. In a small percentage of cases, battered women kill their abusers, and evidence of battering and its effects may be used to support a plea of self-defense in these cases. Prior research has shown that culpability attributions toward battered women who have killed their abusers are influenced by perceiver variables, including gender. The present study expands on this research by examining the influence of psychological distress resulting from perceivers' own IPV experiences--and the mechanisms of this influence--on their culpability attributions toward a battered woman defendant. Female undergraduates in the present sample (N = 154) read a vignette, adapted from an actual criminal case about a battered woman who had killed her abuser. Data supported a hypothesized path model, wherein participants reporting greater psychological distress resulting from IPV perpetrated against them perceived themselves more similar to the defendant, in turn empathized with her to a greater extent, and, in turn, attributed less legal culpability to her. Implications for future research are discussed.     

A silent minority: Battered American Indian women

Sixteen American Indian women requesting counseling for domestic violence at an urban Indian health center were interviewed using standardized measures. The majority of the women were not married, had low family incomes, and both the women and their partners abused substances. All of the women experienced increased depression and stress as a result of the battering. A mental health needs assessment survey of 198 American Indian women is presented for comparison. Women who reported a history of domestic violence on the survey were more likely to be separated or divorced and reported more problems with alcohol than the women with no history of domestic violence. The results of the domestic violence program interviews are compared to the mental health needs assessment survey and studies of battered women in shelters.     

Battered woman and public opinion: Some realities about the myths

Expert testimony regarding the battered woman syndrome is often presented at trial on behalf of women charged with killing their batterers. Where courts have admitted such testimony into evidence, they have done so on the theory that the testimony is needed to dispel common myths regarding battered women—e.g., erroneous beliefs that battered women are masochists, who are somehow responsible for the battering they suffer and could avoid being battered by simply leaving their batterers. To date, however, there is no published empirical evidence that either jurors or members of the public at large hold such erroneous beliefs. The results of this study provide empirical support for the judicial hypothesis. These results suggest that many members of the general public eligible for jury duty do, in fact, hold erroneous, stereotyped beliefs about battered women.     

The impact of specific battering experiences on the self-esteem of abused women

This study examined the self-esteem of 48 women who were identified as battered and compared them to a group of 48 nonbattered women. As expected, the group of battered women experienced lower self-esteem than the nonbattered women. Four clusters of battering experiences were also identified: Physical Abuse, Emotional/Controlling Abuse, Sexual/Emotional Abuse, and Miscellaneous Abuse. Analyses indicated that Emotional/Controlling abuse was the only abuse cluster that was significantly related to lower self-esteem. The findings suggest that abuse that is controlling in nature might play a significant role in the feelings of powerlessness and hopelessness noted in battered women and may contribute to the difficulty that some battered women have in terminating their abusive relationships.     

Battered wives,lawyers, and district attorneys: An examination of law in action

The legal services received by 146 Milwaukee women who had been beaten by their husbands, but had been free of the violence for at least a year, are described and evaluated. Of these women 106 recieved legal help in connection with at least one battering incident. Some women saw more than one member of the legal profession, so the total number of legal contacts among the 106 women was 255. There is evidence that lawyers and district attorneys were most likely to be used by those battered women for whom the use of personal strategies and informal help sources (such as family and friends) were ineffective in combatting the violence. Contrary to the negative image of lawyers and district attorneys found in the literature on wife beating, most legal service contracts were rated as very or fairly successful by the battered women. The more difficult and severe the situation, the higher the success ratings given to lawyers and district attorneys by their clients. Despite the generally positive reactions that most beaten women had to lawyers and district attorneys, there were many negative incidents reported, including district attorneys who refused service or discouraged battered women from filing charges, and lawyers who sided with the aggressors or attempted to meet their personal and professional needs at the expense of their clients. These incidents remind us that it would be useful to educate legal professionals about the nature of family violence, the situation and needs of battered women, and the legal and ethical responsibilities that lawyers and district attorneys have when they are contacted by battered women.     

Individual and Marital Consequences of Victimization: Moderating Effects of Relationship Efficacy and Spouse Support

Marital dissatisfaction and depression are common characteristics of abused women. In this investigation, we attempted to identify variables that might buffer women's marital satisfaction and stability, and their psychological adjustment against the effects of verbal and physical abuse. Verbal and physical victimization had significant negative direct effects on women's marital satisfaction: victimized women were characterized by less satisfaction and less stability regardless of their sense of relationship efficacy or their perceptions of spousal support. However, the effects of victimization on women's depression were moderated by relationship efficacy, perceived intimacy, and acceptance of emotional expression provided by the spouse: nonvictimized women who perceived more support and felt more efficacious, relative to those who felt less support and less efficacy, experienced fewer depressive symptoms, while victimized women who perceived more support and felt more efficacious in their relationships, relative to those characterized by less support and less efficacy, experienced more depressive symptoms. In the context of marital violence, increasing levels of relationship efficacy and perceptions of spouse support may be accompanied by an increase in the risk for depressive reactions.     

Psychosocial characteristics of batterers: A study of 234 men charged with domestic violence offenses

This paper analyzes the characteristics of 234 women abusers who came in contact with the Marion county prosecutor's office and municipal court in Indianapolis during the period from July 1984 to April 1985. The study examines the relationship between battering and such variables as age, race, alcohol, and/or drug abuse, the assailant's relationship to the battered women, criminal history, and employment status. A profile of the psychosocial characteristics of batterers and the implications for assessment and court-mandated treatment are also presented.     

Posttraumatic Stress Disorder and Depression in Battered Women: The Mediating Role of Learned Helplessness

Learned helplessness (LH) may mediate the link between violence exposure and mental disorders in battered women. This study evaluated the contribution of LH to Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) and major depression (MDD) in women with prolonged exposure to partner violence in 101 residents of shelters for battered women in Israel. DSM-IV axis-I disorders were assessed by a structured clinical interview. Self-report questionnaires evaluated exposure to violence, symptoms of PTSD and depression, LH, history of child abuse, SES and the extent of male-dominance and prejudice against women in the participants prior socialization background. LH significantly mediated the effect of violence on PTSD and depression symptoms. Male-dominated background contributed to LH. Thus, LH may increase the risk of mental disorders in battered women and should be addressed in interventions designed to reduce the burden of mental illness in this population.     

How shelter counselors' views about responsibility for wife abuse relate to services they provide to battered women

A survey of shelter counselors found their views of responsibility for wife abuse were significantly related to their: (a) support of a battered woman's decision to remain married, and (b) belief that battering husbands can stop being abusive. Counselors who viewed the husband and wife as equally responsible for wife abuse were the most supportive of a woman's decision to remain married and were most likely to believe that batterers are able to stop being abusive. Counselors who viewed the batterer as completely responsible for wife abuse were more likely to encourage battered women who want to remain married to end their marriage, and believe batterers are unable to stop being abusive.     

The Effects of Childhood Physical Abuse or Childhood Sexual Abuse in Battered Women's Coping Mechanisms: Obsessive-Compulsive Tendencies and Severe Depression

What role does childhood abuse have on the coping choices made by a battered woman? Ancillary to a depression study (Bailey, 1996) in 79 battered women from a Houston area women's shelter were compared for past abuse experiences and how the women were coping with abuse in adulthood. This study compared coping styles between two groups of battered women: those who experienced childhood physically abuse (CPA) (n=35), and those who did not experience childhood physically abuse (NCPA) in childhood (n=44). All of the women filled out a battery of questionnaires including The Brief Symptom Inventory (BSI), and a scale for learned helplessness. A t-test conducted on obsessive-compulsive tendencies (OCT) scale of the BSI found that women who were NPPA had significantly lower BSI-OCT scores t(77)=−2.05, p < .05 than women who were PPA. No statistically significant differences were found between groups for learned helplessness. Out of the 35 battered women who reported physical abuse in childhood were more likely to report sexual abuse as girls than battered women who were not physically abused, t(77)=−3.40, p < .001. Battered women who had been physically and sexually abused in childhood were more severely depressed. Battered women who were not abused in childhood had more obsessive compulsive tendencies. The ramifications of these findings for therapeutic treatment are discussed.     

Counseling services for battered women: a comparison of outcomes for physical and sexual assault survivors

Approximately 15% of married or cohabiting women and as many as 60% of battered women are raped at least once by their partners. This study compared community-based counseling outcomes of battered women with outcomes of women who were both raped and battered by their partners. Over time, both groups improved in wellbeing and coping. Although those both battered and raped progressed more in counseling, they had lower scores before and after counseling compared to women who were battered only. Implications for research and intervention are discussed.     

Classification Typology and Assessment of Five Levels of Woman Battering

Family violence is a prevalent, dangerous, and often life-threatening social and public health problem. It is an indiscriminating crime that knows few boundaries, as recent annual estimates indicate that over 8.7 million women are battered by husbands, boyfriends, and other intimate partners [Roberts, 2002; Roberts & Roberts, 2005]. This article examines a new five-level classificatory schema or typology detailing the duration and severity of woman battering. Five hundred and one battered women completed in-depth interviews which formed the basis for a new classification typology ranging from short-term to chronic to homicidal levels. The current research on different types of battering relationships provides clinicians and forensic specialists with psychosocial indicators that can be utilized as a basis for early intervention and prevention of lethal consequences. The concept of the unknown prevalence of women abuse, or the “dark figure,” is also addressed in this article. Additionally, practical suggestions are made for implementing crisis intervention protocols.     

Cognitive and interpersonal factors in woman abuse

As part of a larger ecological analysis of woman battering in Israel, this study examined the combined ability of selected cognitive and interpersonal measures to differentiate among couples in which women were battered and those in which they were not. The ability of these variables to predict men's physical violence and verbal abuse and women's verbal abuse was also executed. Results indicate that a combination of low marital adjustment, high levels of conflict over children, and more perceived self-control over one's life characterized violent men; low marital adjustment and high conflict over child rearing characterized battered women. Both men's and women's verbal abuse was moderately predicted by lower marital adjustment while men's physical violence was predicted by increased levels of conflicts with his partner over child rearing. These findings suggest the importance of marital relationship factors in domestic violence and highlight the need for further study of the interaction between perceived control and marital relationship problems in relationships where men physically abuse women.     

On the Lived Experience of Battered Women Residing in Shelters

We present a qualitative study of battered women, which examined their experiences while staying at shelters. In-depth, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 18 battered women staying at shelters. The interviews elicited four main themes: the women’s perceptions of the shelter; the woman’s perceptions of herself and her life experiences; the woman’s perceptions of her relations with other battered women at the shelter; and the woman’s perceptions of her relations with the staff of the shelter. The paper concludes with a discussion of the limitations of the study, implications for future research, implications for theory development, and implications for therapy and intervention with the problem of wife battering.