民族主义

虽然民族主义这一概念具有各种不同的涵义,但它总是包含着民族和各民族之间的关系方面的特定概念。显然,它不仅仅是一种来自各种不同实践的民族主义,而且它与实践本身也有联系。因此,民族主义这一概念就包含着独特的政治见解,这就是民族关系在日常生活中的表现形式。当我们用马克思主义的观点来分析这个问题时,务必集中研究民族关系的阶级方面。只有这样做,我们才能判断哪些解释是有科学根据的,哪些解释则可能是思想意识方面的错误概念或错觉。     

论孙中山的民族主义思想

孙中山的民族主义思想反映了他对于中国民族问题的总体认识及其解决民族问题的纲领和原则。就孙中山民族主义思想的产生根源,发展历程作了论述,并力求对孙中山的民族主义思想作出客观的评价,最后对当代民族主义提出了一些思考。     

试析民族主义在非基督教运动中的作用问题

在非基督教运动中,不同党派、不同信仰的人们向基督教发起猛烈攻击,民族主义在其中起了非常重要的作用。不同信仰的人们都无一例外地受到民族主义的影响。原因在于,20世纪初,反对帝国主义,争取民族独立成为压倒一切的任务。在中国人的心态中,除了向西方学习的心理外,还有不可磨灭的“救亡图存”的民族情结。如果说非基督教运动中存在着某种支配力量的话,那就是民族主义。本文将就民族主义在非基督教运动中的作用做一探讨。     

一笔珍贵的历史遗产——马克思恩格斯关于民族主义的论述

马克思、恩格斯关于民族主义的论述给我们留下了一笔珍贵的历史遗产。他们承认民族、民族差别、民族认同意识与民族主义的存在,认为被压迫、被侵略民族、国家的民族解放运动、民族主义运动与思想是全世界无产者联合起来进行无产阶级革命的一个部分;被压迫、被侵略民族、国家的民族解放运动与民族主义运动是社会主义运动的一个步骤。但他们反对借"民族原则"、"民族自决权"行分裂进而侵略他国的资产阶级的民族主义。     

民族主义何以可能

民族主义,有坚实的历史逻辑支撑;帝国主义的掠夺与侵略是近现代中国民族主义的生长之源;当代中国民族主义,直接缘起于对80年代后的中国思想界启蒙与现代性反思。它的再兴起,更基于全球化的新体验,是寻求民族复兴的新意识形态,是中国寻找进一步发展壮大动力的结果。     

全球化与民族主义的现代性审视

具有普遍主义特征的现代性由于具有“西方中心论”倾向,在其全球化过程中引发了民族主义的反弹,全球化与民族主义的内在矛盾源于现代性的内在缺陷。面对全球化这一历史趋势和发展现实,后发国家的民族主义面临着两难境地:一方面,民族国家欲自强于世,必须全方位的追求现代性;另一方面要保持民族的独立品格又需要对带有浓厚西方色彩的现代性进行有吸收和借鉴。中国近代民族主义就是在这一困境中进行着艰难的抉择。     

极右势力在欧洲的活动引起各国警觉

近年来国际政治舞台风云变幻,欧洲政坛多元化倾向发展,极右势力在西欧各国沉渣泛起。它们利用西欧各国的“民主制度”,结成政党,以合法的面目宣扬极右思潮——极端民族主义、排外主义、纳粹主义。不但如此,在一些欧洲国家,极右政党还把其活动的目标对准了议会和政府,企图打入国家的主流社会。极右势力的活动和主张,已经引起了欧洲各国政界和民众的警觉。     

论孙中山民族主义的变化及对中华民族的构建

民族主义作为近代产生的重要政治思想理论,不仅对西方,而且对我国也产生了重要的影响。特别是近代中国面临深重的民族危机、社会危机,民族主义在唤醒民族意识、反抗民族压迫中扮演了重要的角色。尤其是作为近代民主革命先行者的孙中山先生,其三民主义中的民族主义堪称是我国民族主义思想的重要代表。其民族主义先后经历了"排满"革命、"五族共和",最后到彻底反帝反封建的民族主义,是不断补充和发展的民族主义。他对于中华民族构建的思想,从最初狭隘的汉民族至中华民族,是不断补充和发展的。     

孙中山民族主义的历史演变、意义与价值

孙中山的民族主义在不同的历史发展时期有不同的内涵,从反清排满,到"五族共和",再到反对帝国主义和国内各民族一律平等,体现着孙中山思想的进步。孙中山的民族主义在中国近现代历史上产生了巨大影响,晚年的民族主义实际等同于爱国主义,是一笔宝贵的精神财富。     

高校网络民族主义的表现形态及引导途径研究

网络民族主义是网络与民族主义的融合体,它的依托平台是网络,本质是民族主义。大学生是网民构成的主群体之一,利用文献法和案例分析方法,从行为方式、言论内容和表现形式上对我国高校网络民族主义的表现形态进行了梳理,提出高校可以通过加强思想政治教育、提高学生理性认识、利用网络引导等途径实现高校学生网络民族主义良性发展。     

The concept of nationalism in discussions on a European society

ABSTRACT

In scholarship, nationalism has been found to be an integral ingredient of any sense of nationhood. In everyday public use, nationalism is used as a term of disapproval. The stubborn discursive border between the two uses of the concept of nationalism evokes questions about the historical preconditions of creating an ism concept based on the roots ‘nation’ or ‘national’. In the period often called ‘the age of nationalism’, from the French Revolution to the First World War, nationhood was essentialized in ways that did not allow nations to be explained as constructions of any ism. ‘Nationalism’ gained popularity from the 1890s onwards as a critical concept directed at ideas and actions that broke against what was seen as the legitimate role of a nation. Defining the role of nations and nationhood took place in a series of political contests utilizing the concept of nationalism. Debates on Europe and ‘European society’ created one of the contexts of these contests. In current scholarly discussion on the idea of a European society, the critique of ‘methodological nationalism’ has been targeted at the nation-state-bound notion of society. However, in much of policy-oriented research and policy planning, the references to nationalism only contain views and actions found to be reactions against globalization and European integration. ‘Nationalism’ does not apply to efforts to improve ‘our’ national and European competitiveness nor ‘our’ joint EU policies of external bordering.     

Nationalism,the Nation and Migration: Searching for Purity and Diversity

This paper adds to debates on the double-edged and contested nature of nationalism and its relationships with migration and diaspora. It does this by focusing on the notion of purity and highlights the ways in which national identities can be based on homogenising constructions of the nation. In an age where the nation-state system and migration are both important and in which there are recurring politicised uses of nationalism in potentially extreme ways, the paper discusses how nationalism can be problematic. It calls for contextualised and grounded research on the everyday meanings of nationalism in order to emphasise the messy and often ambivalent nature of national identities. In this way, it argues that there is potential for ‘rescuing nationalism’ as a more inclusive, diverse notion.     

Public Attitudes to Gaelic and the Debate about Scottish Autonomy

Scotland seems to be a counter-example to general theories of the relationship between language and national identity or nationalism. These theories point to three components in the ideology of language and nation—that being able to speak the national language is necessary for full national membership, that the national language is a core part of the nation's culture, and that the future of national political autonomy and the future of the national language are connected with each other. In Scotland, it has appeared that language is not central to national membership or culture, and language campaigning has not been central to the political campaigns for autonomy. The article presents new evidence, from the 2012 Scottish Social Attitudes Survey, which questions these beliefs about the relationship between language and national identity or nationalism in Scotland.     

Liberal nationalism,immigration, and the problem of multiple national identities

ABSTRACT

Critics and defenders of liberal nationalism often debate whether the nation-state is able to accommodate cultural and political pluralism, as it necessarily aspires for congruence between state and nation. In this article, I argue that both sides of the debate have neglected a second homogenising assumption of nationalism. Even if it is possible for the nation-building state to accommodate multiple political and cultural communities, it is not obvious that is possible or desirable for it to accommodate individuals belonging to more than one nation. With the rise of international migration, and the growing number of multinational individuals, this flaw is a serious one. I advance an internal critique of liberal nationalism to demonstrate that, from within its own logic, this theory must either reject multiple national identities, or accommodate them at the cost of the normative justifications of nationalism it provides. By analysing David Miller’s influential analysis of national identity in divided societies, I demonstrate how this framework is unable to support an accepting attitude towards multiple national identities.     

Nineteenth Century Nationalism in Finland: A Comparative Perspective

To assess the nature of Finnish nationalism, Finland should be compared with other minor nationalities within the great multinational empires of the nineteenth century. In this perspective it seems of utmost importance that Finnish nationalism developed in the interface between the Swedish and Russian centers, one economically and culturally dominant, the other politically dominant, but economically backward. Starting from this background, it is suggested that exceptionally strong incentives for nationalist mobilization existed not only in the Finnish middle class, but also in the upper class, and that therefore national consolidation and nationalism advanced calmly and steadily.     

Comparative nationalism: the Basques in Spain and France

Abstract. Little research on peripheral nationalism goes beyond the case study approach. Comparative studies provide greater understanding of national self-identification by comparing different ethnic groups, yet encounter difficulties in rigorously delineating specific non-group causal factors. This study adds to our insights into peripheral nationalism by comparing self-identification within the same group but in two different political systems. Study of the Basques in both Spain and France permits a comparison of the same group, thus imposing an analytical control on ethnicity, under two different sets of state policy directions. Utilizing survey data, this investigation found sharp differences in national self-identification in the Basques in Spain and France. The argument is advanced that, even when other explanatory factors are considered, this difference in Basque identification should be understood in light of the different policy stances taken over time by the central governments in Paris and Madrid toward their respective Basque minorities. While initially counter-intuitive, it is suggested that toleration and non-repressive policies toward such minorities may actually serve in the long term to decrease peripheral national identification.     

Domestic Attitudes Towards International Jurisdiction over Human Rights Violations

Building on research regarding the influence of national identity salience on attitudes towards international institutions and the impact of nationalism on foreign policy preferences, in a case study of America, I explore the role of chauvinistic nationalism to understand its impact on attitudes towards international jurisdiction of punishment for alleged human rights violations by members of the American military. Using binomial regression of survey responses from the 2014 Cooperative Congressional Election Study, I find that respondents with higher levels of chauvinistic nationalist sentiment also have higher levels of opposition to the jurisdiction of international legal institutions to prosecute members of a nation’s military. This study is the first of its kind to offer a systematic and multivariate explanation for public opinion towards the jurisdiction of international human rights institutions over a nation’s armed forces using national survey data.     

Sleeping Dogs, Prowling Cats and Soaring Doves: Three Paradoxes in the Political Theory of Nationhood

This article examines three paradoxes concerning nationhood and nationalism in which political theorists have become entangled. Until recently most mainstream political theorists ignored nationhood. In constructing their own theories, however, they tacitly relied upon it to supply the polity with boundaries, solidarity and collective power. More recent attempts to defend national self-determination on liberal grounds have proved self-defeating, containing perverse incentives to illiberal actions and appearing to authorize neo-imperial tutelage. But cosmopolitan anti-nationalists also find themselves in a paradoxical position, since nation-states provide the indispensable launching-pad for attempts to transcend nationalism.     

Cultural citizenship and performing homecoming: Russian Jewish immigrants decipher the Zionist national ethos

The paper explores the mutual relation between cultural citizenship and national homecoming. Using the case study of Russian-Jewish immigrants in Israel, it refines the theoretical debate over cultural citizenship by showing how homecoming migration shapes the homecomers' bargaining power over the local cultural tenets. In particular, the research examines the ways in which the ‘Russian’ immigrants negotiate the national ethos of homecoming that constitutes the Israeli civic, discursive field, while dismantling it into its root components: affinity to the place, collective memory, and the warrior ethos. Each of these components constitutes a sphere of action that embodies the tension between Israeliness and Jewishness, nationalism and citizenship, and the personal and the collective. Our main contention is that in the case of homecoming migration, the inextricable affinity between citizenship and nationalism shapes the homecomers' cultural citizenship: on the one hand, it secures their right to participate in the local cultural discourse and avails bargaining power, while on the other hand, it neutralizes the homecomers' subversive voice, and reduces their capacity to undermine the constitutive, national tenets. The analysis is based on immigration stories gathered via in-depth interviews that were conducted with 43 Jewish university students who immigrated to Israel from the former USSR in the beginning of the 1990s.