Issue Frames and the Political Outcomes of Transnational Campaigns: A Comparison of the Jubilee 2000 Movement and the Currency Transaction Tax Campaign

Since the end of the Cold War, a large number of transnational advocacy networks (TANs) have launched campaigns focusing on a number of different global issues. Some of these campaigns have been quite successful in influencing global public policy, while others have not. What accounts for differences in TANs' ability to shape the global policy process? How can we explain the variation in TAN campaign outcomes? To answer these questions, I draw on the concept of framing, which has been used to explain social movement mobilisation and outcomes, and apply it to two TAN campaigns that have had different outcomes: Jubilee 2000 and the Currency Transaction Tax campaign. I argue that effective framing strategies, i.e. the use of issue frames that resonate with international norms and values and provide compelling analyses and policy proposals, is one explanation for the variation in the outcomes of these two TAN campaigns.     

论中俄印"战略三角"

中俄印三边合作具有地缘政治、经济上的客观条件,近年来三国之间双边关系的发展为这一合作奠定了基础.三方合作的前景将促进三国自身的发展,有利于地区的稳定和世界多极化格局的形成.这种合作不是结盟,更不是针对他国,而是体现"睦邻、安邻、富邻"和"和平、发展、合作"的方针与宗旨.     

中国的顶层设计:"一带一路"倡议的战略目标、吸引力及挑战

"一带一路"倡议致力于世界大部分地区的连通和基础设施建设,改善中国同参与国家之间的关系,并为中国提供了展示其国际领导力的平台,尤其是在美国的全球领导力衰退之后,其影响更加明显。但要实现"一带一路"倡议的宏伟蓝图,不仅需要远见,还需要严谨的经济规划和有力的外交行动。中国面临的挑战是使"一带一路"倡议具有商业的可持续性,平衡中国自身与合作伙伴的利益,创造共同的价值观,激励其他国家与中国共创美好未来。     

Stalin's Demands: Constructions of the "Soviet Other" in Turkey's Foreign Policy, 1919–1945

Standard accounts on Turkey's foreign policy identify Molotov's communication of 1945 (better known as "Stalin's demands") as the catalyst behind Turkey's post-WWII decision to strain its relations with the USSR and turn to the United States (US) for defense support. The aim here is to complement these accounts which have stressed the military and ideological threat posed by the USSR as the catalyst behind Turkey's foreign policy change, by offering an analysis that explores the conditions of possibility for such change. The aim here is not to question the seriousness of the risks involved in failing to stand firm against the USSR in the immediate post-WWII period. Nor is it to dispute the appropriateness of Turkey's search for "Western" allies at a time when its economic, political and military vulnerabilities were acknowledged by friend and foe alike. The following mediates through accounts that stress the military threat and those that emphasize the ideological threat and presents an analysis that looks into the production of representations of the USSR as a "threat" to Turkey and the context which allowed for the production of such representations of the USSR.     

东盟“和平、自由和中立区”战略构想探讨

为了维护东南亚地区各国的主权和独立,避免外部大国的威胁和干涉,东盟在20世纪70年代初期提出了"和平、自由和中立区"战略构想.80年代,由于发生了越南入侵柬埔寨事件,使东盟中立区构想遭遇极大挫折.冷战结束以后,地区安全结构发生重大变化,新的国际关系格局正在形成,东盟及时调整其安全战略,组建了"东盟地区论坛",实现了由"中立"到"中心"的历史性转变.本文主要就东盟中立区战略构想的宗旨和主要原则、发展演变历程和外部大国的反应等方面做较为全面的探讨.指出,东盟安全战略的基本思路是,在大国均势格局下实现地区安全事务的自治.     

Games,Claims, and New Frames: Rethinking the Use of Simulation in Negotiation Education

Negotiation educators have long considered the use of role‐play simulations as an essential classroom teaching method, and have had high expectations regarding their suitability and efficacy for teaching. In this article, we review the literature to examine the degree to which simulations deliver on these perceived benefits, finding that simulations enjoy only limited advantages over other teaching methods. We note three trends that have developed as part of this reevaluation process: improving the way simulations are conducted, deemphasizing the use of simulations as a teaching tool while seeking new methods, and finding paradigm‐changing uses for simulations. With regard to this last trend, we describe our own experiments assigning students to design their own simulations, rather than participate in them as role players. Among other benefits of the design method, we found that designers showed greater improvements in concept learning and motivation than did role players.     

Online Political Debate,Unbounded Citizenship,and the Problematic Nature of a Transnational Public Sphere

Citizenship has always been a dynamic notion, subject to change and permanent struggle over its precise content and meaning. Recent technological, economic, and political transformations have led to the development of alternative notions of citizenship that go beyond the classic understanding of its relationship to nation states and rights. Civil society actors play an important role in this process by organizing themselves at a transnational level, engaging with issues that transcend the boundaries of the nation state and questioning the democratic legitimacy of other transnational actors such as international and corporate organizations. They also allow citizens to engage with “unbounded” issues and to construct a transnational public sphere where such issues can be debated. It is often assumed that the Internet plays a crucial role in enabling this transnational public sphere to take shape. Empirical analysis of discussion forums and mailing lists developed by transnational civil society actors shows, however, that the construction of such a transnational public sphere is paved with constraints. To speak of a unified transnational public sphere is therefore deemed to be problematic. It cannot be seen or construed without taking into account the local, the national, and enforceable rights in order to materialize the ideas and hopes being voiced through civil society.     

欧盟的有限战略行为主体特性与中欧战略伙伴关系——以解除对华军售禁令为例

就其制定和实施战略的能力以及其对重大国际安全问题和重要国际事务的影响力而言,欧盟至今尚未成为一个完全的战略行为主体.本文以中欧关于欧盟解除对华军售禁令的谈判为例,探讨欧盟作为国际战略行为主体的属性及其对中欧战略伙伴关系的影响.本文认为,在欧盟许诺与中国建立战略伙伴关系以后,中方提升了对欧盟的期待,但是欧盟在解除对华军售禁令方面的犹疑不决使得中欧关系产生了一个"现实--期望差距".     

Gender,energy, and empowerment: a case study of the Rural Energy Development Program in Nepal

Rural women in general, and mountain women in particular, are greatly involved in managing household energy systems in Nepal. Alternative energy technologies have a high potential to reduce women's workloads and improve their health status, as well as increasing efficient energy supply. Interventions in rural energy are primarily aimed at reducing firewood use and increasing economic growth through rural electrification, rather than aiming to reduce human drudgery, especially that of women. Hence, such intervention takes place without considering the needs, roles, interests, and potential of rural women, even though women are the primary users and managers of rural energy resources. This article aims to analyse the gender implications of rural energy technologies in Kavre district, where the Rural Energy Development Program (REDP) has been implemented, especially in terms of saving women's labour and increasing socio-economic opportunities for women.     

Regional Arrangements,Securitization, and Transnational Security Challenges: The African Union and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations Compared

This article seeks to contribute to debates about how regional arrangements construct and respond to threat agendas. It does so by using the literature on the concept of securitization to explore the processes through which the African Union (AU) and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) have dealt with contemporary transnational challenges. After providing an overview of the Copenhagen School's (CS) understanding of securitization, we examine the main problems and limitations that emerge when attempting to apply the concept of securitization to regional arrangements in the developing world. The article explores in particular the extent to which the AU and ASEAN have securitized the transnational challenges on their agendas. We conclude that in both cases the impact of security culture as well as unresolved conceptual and methodological issues raise significant questions when seeking to apply securitization theory outside of Europe.     

达尔富尔问题的历史溯源——再论达尔富尔冲突的原因、阶段及性质

在目前冲突爆发之前,苏丹达尔富尔地区的局势已然十分紧张和混乱.20世纪80年代中期之前,由于这一地区的资源争夺和之后的种族对立问题未得到有效解决,冲突不断升级与扩大,性质也逐渐由传统的部落冲突演变为种族间的暴力对抗.20世纪末,苏丹政治伊斯兰运动的分裂及国家层面的权力争夺,给达尔富尔地区原本严重的种族冲突注入了政治因素,而南方问题趋于解决又给对政府心怀怨恨的某些达尔富尔精英分子树立了用武装斗争赢得权力与财富的样板.因此,达尔富尔目前的危机并非偶然和突发,它既是当地原有冲突的全面升级与扩大,也是争夺国家权力与财富的又一战场.     

解决朝鲜半岛问题的方法、视角及路径选择

解决朝鲜半岛问题需要思路的调整,即要从仍然在相当范围内起作用的冷战思维的误区中解脱出来.从我国的角度,需建立分析朝鲜半岛问题与我国的利害关系的理论坐标,这就是我国的东北亚区域战略目标.只有把朝鲜半岛问题置入到我国东北亚区域战略的框架之中,我们才有可能正确理解它对我国的影响程度,进而为解决朝鲜半岛问题提供路径选择的依据.     

巴西和中国:在变化的世界格局中加强战略伙伴关系

我很荣幸来到中国社会科学院这所在中国和全亚洲最知名的学术机构之一,贵院在所有研究领域都有很高的知名度.同时,也很高兴能参加贵院巴西研究中心的成立仪式.借此机会我想与大家分享巴中战略伙伴关系的几点思考,以及讨论国际格局大变化中我们共同面临的挑战.     

A Rose by Any Other Name: Neoclassical Realism as the Logical and Necessary Extension of Structural Realism

Neoclassical realism is often criticized by non-realists for being an ad hoc and theoretically degenerative effort to explain away anomalies for neorealism. In this paper, I argue instead that neoclassical realism is a logical extension and necessary part of advancing neorealism. Structural realism argues that the system constrains but does not determine state action and where foreign policy departs from what would be ideal behavior given a state's structural position, domestic politics and ideas are generally the cause. This focus on mistakes and maladaptive behavior, seen in such neoclassical realist concepts as over-or under-balancing, is necessary to avoid falling into the trap of merely using domestic politics and ideas to make neorealism more determinate and explain residual variance in foreign policy choice unaccounted for by structure. The article attempts to correct the mistaken presumption that particular paradigms own domestic politics and ideas, asserting instead that each paradigm has access to these variables but must make them their own.     

Sitting on the Balcony: American Responses,Strategic Dilemmas,and Swedish Criticism of the Vietnam War

Small states often seek power by exercising authority beyond their borders. Sweden, a prominent protagonist of the global projection of moral values, established itself as a champion of humanitarian internationalism in the post-Second World War period, especially during the Vietnam War. By voicing criticism of the American war effort and putting moral purposes beyond itself, Sweden tried to change American policy. Years of vehement criticism provoked strong reactions in the United States, leading to bilateral diplomatic crises and long-lasting political conflicts. Even though part of a wave of international criticism and based on the power of the better argument and conveyed through open advocacy, Sweden's public diplomacy had little bearing. Its confrontational style was counter-productive; its content badly synchronised with the domestic American debate and lacking originality and centrality; and the criticism generally considered irrelevant. Attention fell on Swedish verbal activism when more conspicuous elements of Swedish Vietnam policy were in focus.     

从“猪仔问题”报道看《香港船头货价纸》的编辑方针与定位

《香港船头货价纸》是中国最早的中文日报《香港中外新报》的前身,在中国近代报业发展史上占有特殊的地位。本论文的主旨为:(1)通过该报(包括日文版的《官版香港新闻》)对“猪仔问题”的报道与评论,考察该报的编辑方针与定位;(2)进一步确认其作为英殖民地香港英文报纸《剌西报》的子报,尽管该报的编者为华人,并自我标榜“有益于唐人”,但仍然不能“自我操权”,不能列入华人自我办报的范畴。     

“印太战略”:以美印日澳的战略逻辑、利益与策略选择为分析视角

"印太战略"是美国均势+有限遏制+规制+话语诋毁的混合型战略。它意在前沿、中间地带与后方的三层构建不对称的对华遏制性力量,突破中美双边、单区域战略竞争的狭窄战略空间;在多地域与多维度孤立中国,拉拢更多国家在产业价值链、数字经济等层面与中国切割;制订基础建设投资透明化的新标准,嵌入有利于美国利益的规制;通过国际法、舆论等软性手段抹黑中国的"一带一路"与海权发展。虽然共同逻辑都是制衡中国崛起,但日澳印在策略上强调非对抗性。其中避免成为中国优先反制是日本重要的策略目标;印度在拉达克边界冲突后尚没有形成一个完全倒向美国的战略,因为这必定使其背上沉重的战略包袱,成为美国的附庸;澳大利亚作为地缘政治影响有限的中等国家,在美国反华行动中冲在最前列已使其利益严重受损。而"印太战略"与东盟所推动的包容性、合作安全理念也有着本质的区别,东盟要在"印太地区"发挥中心领导作用,定位"印太"为对话与合作区域。所以由于东盟的抵制、印日澳的消极政策,这个战略形成的攻势将很难保持可持续性,其长期前景并不看好。     

Politics,proximity and paranoia: the evolution of Kashmir as a nuclear flashpoint

This article traces the evolution of Kashmir as a “nuclear flashpoint,” and the relationship between Kashmir, nuclear weapons, and regional security. The first section discusses the concept of a geopolitical flashpoint, providing a definition and a series of historical examples. The Kashmir issue and its role in the broader Indo-Pakistani conflict fit reasonably neatly into this definition. A second section briefly traces the history of nuclear weapons programs in the region, as the potential for nuclear escalation by competing powers or their allies is a key factor in defining nuclear flashpoints (a post-1945 phenomenon). The third section examines the evolution of the Kashmir issue and successive Indo-Pakistani crises within a nuclearized regional environment from 1984 to 2003. The final section assesses the prospects for Kashmir in the near future, and concludes that due to underlying political factors, Kashmir will remain a nuclear flashpoint for the foreseeable future.