老挝乡村贫困的省思——以琅勃拉邦省南巴县N村为例

贫困问题一直是制约老挝发展的重大问题。以往老挝的贫困研究多从政府政策、资源争夺、市场供求等结构因素进行探讨,缺乏对地方性知识的关注。本文借助贫困研究的文化和结构两种解释路径,以老挝北部佬族村寨为例,论述了老挝乡村贫困的双层逻辑:一方面,老挝乡村贫困人口受传统财富观、自然伦理、生活习惯、家庭内在矛盾和社会潜在问题等文化因素影响,在市场经济秩序中的财富积累是缓慢的,对摩托车等现代商品的象征性消费也是透支的;另一方面,老挝乡村的贫困问题还受制于赌博、吸毒、市场化冲击、历史遗留问题等结构因素的影响。     

1975年以后的老挝

一、经济情况 1975年12月老挝政权更迭之后,当局便面临这样一个十分重要的问题,即发展经济和政体方面的社会主义改造问题。 据估计,政权易手以后,大约有5万名商人、中产阶级和技术人员逃到国外。这些人对于老挝的经济发展十分重要。他们的逃离,立即导致老挝商业和经济发展的停滞。老挝     

从规避到合作:老挝和东盟关系的演进

在老挝实施对外开放政策的实践和加入东盟的进程中,老挝与东盟的关系经历了从规避到合作的发展历程.十年来,老挝认真履行成员国的职责和义务,主动融入一体化进程,积极参与地区事务,而东盟也力促老挝参与区域合作,加强与其他成员国间的合作,缩小发展差距.在与东盟的磨合中,老挝对参与区域合作的认识更为全面,态度也更为理性.     

中国企业对老挝的直接投资及其影响

近年来,中国企业对老挝的直接投资呈加速发展态势,投资流量及存量的增长都在提速,已经成为老挝最重要的外资来源国之一。中国企业对老挝的直接投资在一定程度上促进了当地经济和社会的快速发展:提供了老挝经济发展所需要的资金;改善了老挝的基础设施;提升了老百姓的生活水平。但是,中国企业在老挝的投资也存在一些问题:投资的行业有些过于集中在资源领域;少数在老挝投资的中国企业或者个人存在着非法经营和非法用工现象;普遍缺乏与媒体的沟通能力和意愿。     

印尼棉兰地区汉语教学现状调查与对策研究

随着中国综合国力的提升以及中印之间合作的加强,汉语教学在印尼得到了较快的发展。本文对印尼棉兰地区汉语教学的现状展开调查,分别阐述了印尼棉兰地区现有的教学形式、师资力量及其具体的课程设置、教材使用,并对出现的问题进行了分析,指出了汉语教学发展的方向。     

日本学生学习动态助词“了”的常见偏误与分析

动态助词"了",是外国学生学习汉语中的一个老大难问题.对此问题,孙德坤(1993)、赵立江(1997)等曾经对母语为英语的外国学生作过相当细致的考察与分析.日本学生在学习动态助词"了"时存在的问题既有共性又有其特殊性.通过问卷调查,帮助我们分析日本学生学习动态助词"了"时所遇到的问题,这对包括日本学生在内的外国留学生的汉语教学是有帮助的.     

1960-1962年老挝危机与美泰关系

老挝政局在1954年日内瓦会议后深受东亚冷战形势的影响.1960-1962年危机使老挝成为国际社会关注的焦点,东南亚条约组织的作用受到严峻考验.美国和泰国对东南亚战略及老挝局势的判断和考虑不同.为解决由此引起的矛盾,两国通过<腊斯克一他纳声明>结为双边安全同盟.美泰关系的加强对东南亚冷战具有重要影响.     

老挝的改革

1975年12月2日老挝人民民主共和国建立以后,老挝在相当一段时间内国民经济停滞不前。1982年,凯山·丰威汉在老挝人民革命党“三大”的报告中承认:“大多数老挝人的生活条件仍然和1975年以前前政府统治时期差不多”.1979年底,老挝开始对过去的政策进行某些检讨和调整,1986年召开的老挝党“四大”进一步比较全面地检讨了过去错误的经济政策,提出一些新的认识和决策.     

《千字文》在日本汉语教学历史上的教材价值

《千字文》是中国语文教育启蒙课本,随同四书五经等经由朝鲜传到日本。在日本,从早期的皇室汉语学习一直到江户时代寺子屋的教学,《千字文》都是四书五经等儒学、汉学教育的缩略版本,是汉字和汉语教学实用版本。文章首先澄清日本汉语教学的历史发端和独有特征,确认《千字文》在日本汉语教学历史上的教材价值。其次说明《千字文》除了体现汉字、汉语教学的独有规律,还具有教材模板作用。最后阐述《千字文》对于历史上的汉语传播发挥了重大作用,对当今汉语教学工作也有重大借鉴意义。     

外语教学中的隐性文化

本文通过分析汉语和法语词语丰富的文化信息内涵,探讨在外语教学中从词汇入手学习外国文化的可能性,并且讨论在教学中如何引导学生关注文化问题,尤其是隐性文化.     

东南亚地区华文教育的模式与性质分析

本文提出东南亚华文教育的性质应该是华裔的母语教育,并分析了其原因,总结了当代华文作为母语教育的目标、内容及与华文被禁前的教学模式的差异。同时还分析了在东南亚地区针对不同教育对象应采取的不同教学模式。     

日本公立学校教职员工薪酬制度及其改革

日本公立学校教职员工的法律定位是教育公务员。日本公立学校教职员工薪酬制度以“教特法”和“人才确保法”为法律依据，具有年功经验主义、薪酬水平较高、待遇平均主义和今后将倾向于体现职责、能力和业绩的4个主要特征。针对原有薪酬制度的种种弊端，新世纪以来日本实施了“新的教职员工考核制度”，并效仿日本企业将绩效考核结果与人事变动、薪酬挂钩，但具体实施过程中出现了诸多问题，引发了各方质疑。借鉴日本的经验有助于从更广阔的视野为中国探索义务教育学校教师工资制度改革提供思路。     

INTERNAL RESETTLEMENT IN LAOS

In this response to an article by Holly High, “The Implications of Aspirations: Reconsidering Resettlement in Laos,” published in Critical Asian Studies in December 2008 (vol. 40, no. 4, pp. 531–50), the authors do not dispute the notion that many people in Laos have aspirations for modernity and development. However, they are at odds with High in two key ways. First, she only presents a selective reading of authors who have written critically about highland to lowland resettlement in Laos, thus misrepresenting some of their ideas. Second, the empirical evidence High provides is insufficient or inappropriate to support her argument that people who are being resettled from the uplands to the lowlands in Laos are supportive of these state-sponsored schemes because they fit with their aspirations for modernity. The authors are concerned that High's article may inadvertently serve to justify the views of those who advocate and fund centrally planned resettlement of ethnic minorities in Laos and who believe that non-participatory and top-down resettlement is acceptable if increased funding is available and better planning is conducted, even when those targeted for relocation would rather not move.     

现代日语的音节研究——基本音节与扩张音节

日语教学都是从假名的学习开始,教科书的语音教学通常是以日语假名组成的五十音图为基准.日语的假名是音节文字,学习假名就是学习日语的音节.因此,与汉语和英语教学中重视音素教学的特点相比,日语的语音教学具有以音节教学为重点的特征.本文根据音节使用目的,将日语音节分为基本音节和扩张音节两类进行具体研究,前者是日语固有的音节,也是对应汉词的音节;后者是为弥补基本音节音译外语的不足,在基本音节基础上扩张的音节.扩张音节目前还不是一个完整、稳定的体系,有些场合会受到基本音节的影响,被习惯发音取代.这是日语音节教学需要突破的难点.     

Laos: “no place to hide”

Abstract

If the U.S. intervenes in the third world in the next decade it is likely to model its actions on experience in Laos rather than to duplicate the frustrations of Vietnam. While the two wars are similar in terms of destruction and dislocation of civilian populations (with Laos having sustained even greater devastation than Vietnam), the strategies directing them differ significantly. For in Laos, without introducing its own combat troops, the U.S. has secretly waged a more extensive war on foreign soil than any other nation in history. Incorporating the lessons of Vietnam, synthesizing previous Western experience in counter-insurgency, and operating almost exclusively through executive decrees, the American military in Laos has devised a pattern of warfare likely to become the quintessential model for future attempts to fight localized guerilla conflicts.     

LEGACIES OF WAR

In this article nongovernmental organization (NGO) workers Channapha Khamvongsa and Elaine Russell discuss the massive illegal U.S. bombing of Laos between 1964 and 1973 and its lingering human, economic, and ecological toll. They survey the history of foreign intervention in Laos, with special emphasis on the cold war-era civil war and U.S. intervention. The authors describe continuing civilian casualties and obstacles to development posed by unexploded ordnance (UXO) in Laos, and detail current efforts for UXO removal. The authors propose a formal reconciliation process between the United States and Laos in which the U.S. government would accept responsibility for the long-term effects of the bombing and the governments would cooperate with NGOs and the United Nations in a transparent process to fund UXO removal.     

Conceptualising Party-State Governance and Rule in Laos

ABSTRACT

This article develops a framework for conceptualising authoritarian governance and rule in the Lao People’s Democratic Republic. After introducing the national and academic context, which go a significant way towards understanding the paucity of comparative political work on Laos, we propose an approach to studying post-socialist authoritarian and single-party rule that highlights the key political-institutional, cultural-historical and spatial-environmental sources of party-state power and authority. In adopting this approach, we seek to redirect attention to the centralising structures of rule under the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party, illustrating how authoritarian institutions of the “party-state” operate in and through multiple scales, from the central to the local level. At a time when the country is garnering greater attention than at any time since the Vietnam War, we argue that this examination of critical transitions in Laos under conditions of resource-intensive development, intensifying regional and global integration, and durable one-party authoritarian rule, establishes a framework for future research on the party-state system in Laos, and for understanding and contextualising the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party regime in regional comparative perspective.     

CHALLENGING THE ATOMIZATION OF DISCONTENT

Stimulated by his participation in two recent museum exhibitions concerning the Cultural Revolution the author of this article offers his contrarian views on the history and lasting significance of China's ten-year-long Cultural Revolution. Acknowledging that there was indeed senseless and brutal acts of violence from 1966 to 1976, the author asks whether the violence ever rose to the level of a “holocaust,” as commentators inside and outside China have charged. He next explores the charge that the Cultural Revolution resulted in the deliberate destruction of Chinese culture and tradition. The picture the author paints of this turbulent period in China's history is one not often aired in academic circles or in public discourse. He closes by putting the violence of the Cultural Revolution in the broader context of violence that was happening elsewhere during that period, e.g., in Laos, Cambodia, and Vietnam.