一种新的阐释美国外交政策的方法--读《美国外交政策及其如何影响了世界》

人们在对美国外交政策进行分析、阐释和预测时所面临的问题之一是 ,如何以一种适当的方法来解读错综复杂的当代美国外交政策。《美国外交政策及其如何影响了世界》① 一书体现了为应对这一问题而进行的努力。该书作者、美国对外关系委员会的美国外交政策高级研究员沃尔特·拉塞尔·米德向人们提出具有启迪意义的阐释方式。一米德在书中提出的一个核心论点就是 ,正确理解后冷战时期的美国外交政策 ,关键在于承认并理解美国的外交政策传统。米德认为 ,自美国独立以来 ,对外政策在美国的历史进程中发挥了重要作用 ,相对于其他大国 ,美国对外政…     

In the Shadow of the Qur'an: Recent Islamist Discourse on the United States and US Foreign Policy

Academics have paid far more attention to Islamist movements than to the political discourse of contemporary Islamist authors. This is regrettable for four main reasons. First, Islamists address issues of major importance to their societies and these societies' relations with the external world, especially the West. Understanding their discourse holds the key to a better understanding of Islamist movements. Second, Islamists form an integral component of the Arab intelligentsia. As opinion shapers they influence the attitudes, beliefs and value systems of Arab publics. Third, Islamists have been writing extensively and critically about the United States, especially since the end of the Cold War. It is of great importance to understand why they are so ‘preoccupied’ with America and why they view it the way they do. Finally, Islamists write in a distinct style that leans heavily, and in complex ways, on the sacred text (the Qur'an). It is intriguing and intellectually stimulating to analyze the substance and style of their discourse and to contextualize it historically. This article focuses on one specific and critical aspect of contemporary Islamist discourse: its treatment of the United States.     

Democratization in Gulf Monarchies: A New Challenge to the GCC

Dr. Kéchichian is the author of Succession in Saudi Arabia (Palgrave, 2001; Beirut and London: Dar Al Saqi, 2003 [in Arabic]); Oman and the World: The Emergence of an Independent Foreign Policy (RAND, 1995); and coauthor, with R. Hrair Dekmejian, of The Just Prince: A Manual of Leadership (London: Saqi Books, 2003). His most recent study, Succession in Arab Monarchies , written under a Smith Richardson Foundation grant, is forthcoming in 2005.     

Who,Why and How: Assessing the Legitimacy of Secession

Since the breakdown of bipolarity, the international community had to cope with independence movements spreading in Eastern, Central and Southeastern Europe. Given the peculiar coercive character of the Soviet and Yugoslav Federations and the Soviet Union's hegemonial rule in Central Europe, the wish for independent statehood can be understood as a sum of single secessionist movements. This article investigates secession as a moral problem of public international law; it also attempts to define normative criteria for the assessment of secessionist legitimacy. What conditions are required for a legitimate secession? On what political, social or historical characteristics should a legitimate secession be based in order to obtain international recognition? The analysis is carried out on three levels: legitimacy of the actors (Who), legitimacy of the secessionist argument (Why) and procedural legiti‐macy (How). The analysis is illustrated by three examples of recent se‐cessionist movements: Slovakia, FYR Macedonia and Chechnya.     

建构新自由制度主义的研究纲领--关于《权力与相互依赖》的一种解读

《权力与相互依赖》由美国著名学者罗伯特·基欧汉、约瑟夫·奈合著.1977年,该书第一版出版,标志着美国自由主义国际关系学派挑战(新)现实主义理论主导地位的开始,构成新自由制度主义兴起的理论基石;1989年,该书重版并增加了对批评的回应;2001年该书第三版出版,两位学者将全球化、国际机制与相互依赖概念相整合,指点国际局势,激扬文字,对21世纪初的世界政治(World Politics)进行严肃的理论分析,成为代表新自由制度主义发展的颠峰之作.《权力与相互依赖》既有理论上的深度建构,也有实践上的指导价值,自1977年以来,该书一直是国际关系研究引用频率最高的著作之一,其真知灼见力透纸背,堪称洛阳纸贵之作.     

东南亚五国吸引外资的新措施及其成效

为解决经济复苏所需资金问题,东南亚五国(菲、马、新、泰、印尼)采取了比危机前更优惠、放宽外商投资限制、鼓励并购、发展证券市场等吸引外资的新措施.这些措施已初见成效.但还存在货币币值不稳、股市低迷等制约因素.     

论中国境外投资的行业选择

我国目前境外投资的行业结构不够合理,尤其是非贸易性投资尚未达到应有的比例,导致境外企业整体的技术和档次仍在较低水平上徘徊.根据国际投资发展的新格局和我国国情,应将具有比较优势的制造业列为境外投资重点,这样既能获得广阔的国际发展空间,又有利于转移富余的生产能力;同时要有选择地投资于进口替代型的资源开发业,缓解我国人均资源短缺的矛盾;还要适当提高对高新技术产业的境外投资比重,以便带动国内科技发展和产业结构升级.     

Transcending the National / Asserting the National: How Stateless Nations like Scotland, Wales and Catalonia React to European Integration

How can minority nations, how can minority nationalists who assert their national identity not only accept, but in some cases even actively fight for a process of European integration which may have started to “transcend the national”? The article discusses what Europe has to offer them, and in what ways that offer may be “flawed”. It will compare nationalist strategies (Europe of the Regions, Independence in Europe), and establish relations between the choice of an European strategy and the consolidation of minority nationalism at home.     

论构建新世纪大国战略稳定框架

大国战略稳定框架是全球战略稳定的基础。由于美苏冷战的结束 ,特别是九一一事件和美国退出《反弹道导弹条约》后 ,冷战时期大国战略稳定框架的政治基础已经消失 ,理论基础也不再适用。但由一系列军备控制协议和条约形成的对各国有某种约束力的国际机制在冷战后时期仍然在世界上发挥积极的作用 ,特别是对促进核裁军和防止大规模杀伤性武器扩散有重要意义。随着国际政治多极化和世界经济全球化的发展 ,建立新的大国战略稳定框架势在必行。中国主张的以互信、互利、平等、协作为核心的新安全观应该成为这种战略稳定框架的理论基础。