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The Lisbon Treaty enacted in 2009 allows the European Union (EU) to adopt a foreign, security, and defense policy with a higher profile. In particular, the High Representative and the European External Action Service are now in a position to conduct a continuous conversation with China, India, Japan, and ASEAN beyond trade-oriented dialogues. But a genuine strategic approach toward Asia requires military expertise so as to adequately assess how to best contribute to stability in this part of the world. Military diplomacy involving individual member states already takes place, yet virtually no information is shared at the EU level. The adoption of a full-fledged strategic approach toward Asia would not only be politically astute and make excellent economic sense; it can also consolidate EU institutions in the realm of foreign, security and defense policy.  相似文献   

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语言的国际化程度体现出国家的综合实力。正因为如此,韩国不遗余力地向全世界推广其语言文字。本文从韩国的语言文字推广的历史背景、起步和发展入手,多方面研究其推广的战略途径,总结韩国语言文字推广的成功经验及不足之处,希望对我国的语言文字推广工作有所裨益。  相似文献   

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The first decade of the twenty-first century witnessed a sharp intensification of the relations between China and Brazil. The two countries deepened their commercial links and, as a result, Brazil became China’s largest trading partner in Latin America. They have also further improved the quality of their political cooperation by setting up, for the first time, high-level bilateral institutions. Both countries have also been working together within multilateral institutions and mechanisms. The economic causes and impacts of this phenomenon have been widely discussed, but little however has been said about its specific political and strategic dimensions. In order to fill this gap, this article suggests an analysis that looks at the historical context of the relationship between China and Brazil, and sets up an enquiry into the most relevant domestic actors and at the strategic meanings behind their partnership. The goal here is twofold. Firstly, to analyse the role of domestic actors in the intensification of this partnership. Secondly, to discuss to what extent this intensification may be seen as evidence of any strategic interest of China and Brazil to put in place a more proactive, wilful and global foreign policy intended to shape globalisation and the world order.  相似文献   

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美国犹太组织与奥巴马政府对伊朗的政策   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
美国犹太组织是影响美国中东政策的重要因素。由于认定伊朗发展核武器对以色列的安全构成威胁,以及担忧奥巴马政府改变对伊朗的政策,因此美国犹太组织在国会内外开展游说,促请国会议员提出制裁伊朗的法案。尽管奥巴马阐明美国对伊朗奉行的是原则性接触政策,但不得不在国会的强大压力下签署了《伊朗制裁、问责、撤资综合法》。这一法律的出台结束了奥巴马政府接触伊朗的尝试,制裁和遏制再度成为美国对伊政策的主流。  相似文献   

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Abstract

Ever since Richard Nixon announced that the United States would adopt a “low profile” defense posture in Asia, American foreign affairs analysts have sought to construct an accurate model of the new policy. Senate Majority Leader Mike Mansfield, who analyzed the Nixon Doctrine in a 1969 report to the Congress, concluded that henceforth “The United States will avoid the creation of situations in which there is such dependence on us that, inevitably, we become enmeshed in what are essentially Asian problems and conflicts.” Lest this conclusion alarm any of our more insecure clients in the area, Vice President Agnew toured Asia in early 1970 to announce that the President had never intended such a sweeping reversal of policy: “Let me make it very clear,” he told newsmen in Canberra, “that despite a great deal of speculation and rumor, we are not withdrawing from Asia and the Pacific…. As a Pacific power, we will remain in the Pacific.” Nixon himself seems to have encouraged this dichotomy: thus the invasion of Cambodia in 1970 and the massive air attacks on Hanoi in 1972 suggested that he was committed to the interventionist stance represented by Agnew; while the cease-fire in Vietnam and the initiation of diplomatic contacts with China suggest that he leans toward the more restrained position of Mansfield.  相似文献   

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Recent works of Weinrib and Ripstein argue in favour of the state duty to support the poor found in Kant's 'Doctrine of Right'. The argument is not Kant's own, but is said to flow from the most basic precepts of that work. It is, roughly, the following: because the institution of property rights can lead to the situation whereby, there being nothing left to appropriate, persons could become dependent upon others for their very existence, the validity of property rights (and private rights in general) in the civil condition depends upon the state's supporting the poor so as to ensure that such relations of dependence do not arise. This article argues that this welfarist state duty is incompatible with the structure of the Doctrine of Right, and independently implausible.  相似文献   

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美国2008年大选与奥巴马政府的政策趋向   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
本文在对美国2008年大选奥巴马和民主党获胜的原因进行分析的基础上,探讨了大选结果对美国政治和社会的影响,以及奥巴马政府内外政策的趋向.文章认为,2008年大选是美国选举政治史上最引人瞩目的一次历史性的选举.奥巴马获胜的主要原因是美国金融危机引发的经济严重衰退,选民对布什处理伊拉克、阿富汗战争的不满,以及奥巴马作为美国有史以来第一位非洲裔总统竞选人所激起的黑人、拉美裔和年轻选民的投票热情.大选的结果将对美国政治走向和美国社会的种族关系产生重要和深远的影响.中左将是今后四年美国政治的基本走向.民主党16年来第一次同时控制白宫和国会、公众的期望和支持率高,这些为奥巴马政府实施其内外政策主张提供了有利的条件,但它仍然面临诸多严峻的挑战.  相似文献   

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奥巴马政府的医疗改革及其前景   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
奥巴马总统上台后启动的医疗改革是一场规模空前、任务艰巨、争论激烈、过程曲折的重大社会改革,其主要目标是抑制急速膨胀的医疗保健费用及其导致的巨额财政赤字,扩大医疗保险覆盖面,提高医疗服务质量,让医疗保健体系适应21世纪美国加强国家竞争力的要求。迄今为止,改革取得的主要成果是美国国会参众两院通过的医疗改革议案及其修正案,距离最后的成功仅一步之遥。尽管改革过程和方案存在重大缺陷,改革的前景也充满变数和挑战,但奥巴马政府已经创造了历史,初步实现了美国医疗改革的百年梦想,奥巴马也将由此形成他最重要的政治遗产。  相似文献   

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《中东研究》2012,48(1):33-55
Arab countries are currently faced with the highest youth cohort in their modern history. Arab youth are not only more numerous, but they are also more educated and marrying at a later age than before. One in each three young Arab persons is unemployed, and gender bias against young women's university enrolment and labour participation is pervasive. Against a backdrop of rising frustration among their youth, Arab policymakers need to act quickly. A revision of the social and economic contract towards more and better provision of public goods is central to addressing the challenges faced by the Arab youth.  相似文献   

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This paper investigates the role of the state in world history and analyses some of the major issues confronting such an investigation with a particular focus on the relationship between the modern European state and the other historical forms of the state. Firstly it considers the problems raised by the fact that the terminology of state analysis is derived from a discourse that arose to explain the particularity of European state development. Secondly it considers the problem of the origins of the state. It examines two major issues: van Creveld's argument that only modern European states are real states and the chiefdom/state distinction. It argues that new political forms occurred both with the emergence of civilisation and the "state" in the ancient world and with the development of the modern European state after 1300. Thirdly it considers the issue of a typology of states through an examination of the model developed by Finer in his The History of Government . It argues that this model is only really effective in dealing with pre–modern political forms and that the modern European state needs to be understood as a deviant from the Eurasian norm of the agrarian empire.  相似文献   

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Yan Xuetong 《East Asia》2013,30(3):217-235
The shift of power engendered by the rise of China will not only change the current international configuration, but will likely lead to a shift of the power centre of the world from Europe to East Asia. Nevertheless, neither the change of the international configuration nor this transfer of the power centre of the world will inevitably bring about the change of the international system. The international system consists of three components including international actors, international configuration and international norms. If a qualitative change of one of these components were treated as a qualitative change of the system, it would not be possible to distinguish the difference between the components and the system nor to determine the relationship between them. A minimum of a qualitative change of at least two components must be observed to be defined as a qualitative change in the system. Because the rise of China is the main engine changing the international configuration, it will be faced with increasing pressure from the system. Thus, China has to adopt a foreign strategy in accordance with its international status and policy for wining more strategic partners and constructing new international norms.  相似文献   

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张帆 《美国研究》2004,18(1):147-151
人们在对美国外交政策进行分析、阐释和预测时所面临的问题之一是 ,如何以一种适当的方法来解读错综复杂的当代美国外交政策。《美国外交政策及其如何影响了世界》① 一书体现了为应对这一问题而进行的努力。该书作者、美国对外关系委员会的美国外交政策高级研究员沃尔特·拉塞尔·米德向人们提出具有启迪意义的阐释方式。一米德在书中提出的一个核心论点就是 ,正确理解后冷战时期的美国外交政策 ,关键在于承认并理解美国的外交政策传统。米德认为 ,自美国独立以来 ,对外政策在美国的历史进程中发挥了重要作用 ,相对于其他大国 ,美国对外政…  相似文献   

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