中国-东盟自由贸易区:广东面临的挑战与机遇

20世纪70年代末以来,广东与东盟经贸关系发展迅速,双方贸易往来扩大,经济合作全面展开.随着中国-东盟自由贸易区建设的启动,广东与东盟国家经贸关系的发展面临着前期开发东盟市场不够、建立中国-东盟自由贸易区的热效应的压力和出口产品结构亟待调整等方面的挑战.与此同时,由于广东自身拥有独特的先行优势、人缘优势、经济技术优势和"泛珠三角"经济合作的推力等因素,在中国-东盟自由贸易区的建设过程中,广东与东盟国家的经贸关系有着许多发展机遇.     

Immigration and Swiss‐EU Free Movement of Persons: Question of a Safeguard Clause

The issue of migration is a current topic in different European countries. In this paper, we concentrate on the case of Switzerland. After the adoption of the Mass Immigration Initiative on 9 February 2014, Switzerland is faced with a challenging task. It needs to implement the constitutional mandate to manage migration autonomously, although Switzerland has a bilateral free movement of persons agreement with the EU. We present an approach to a solution for discussion. The basic idea is to maintain the principle of freedom of movement without fixed quotas or national priority but with a safeguard clause for (statistically) exceptional situations. An exceptional situation occurs if serious social, economic or political difficulties arise. As an objective method to determine serious difficulties, we choose an excessive percentage in net migration, defined on the basis of the situation in the EU/EFTA. If the net migration in Switzerland is getting excessive, the safeguard clause could be called. In addition, we take other factors into account such as the amount of the EU/EFTA foreigners and the labor market.     

Determinants of Arab public opinion on the Caliphate: Islamist elites,religiosity and socioeconomic conditions

Abstract

What are the determinants of public opinion on the issue of the Caliphate in the Arab world? My answer to this question outlines the key role played by Islamist elites, religiosity and age in influencing Arab opinion on the issue of the Caliphate in three countries during the early Age of Islamism (1980s–1990s). I do so by using Binary Logistic Regression Models on observations that I found in survey data collected in 1988 in Egypt and Kuwait, and an Ordinal Logistic Regression Model for data collected in Palestine in 1995. My results suggest that elites play a key role in spreading Islamist ideas in Egypt and Palestine, while age and religiosity are most salient in Kuwait.     

In the Shadow of the Qur'an: Recent Islamist Discourse on the United States and US Foreign Policy

Academics have paid far more attention to Islamist movements than to the political discourse of contemporary Islamist authors. This is regrettable for four main reasons. First, Islamists address issues of major importance to their societies and these societies' relations with the external world, especially the West. Understanding their discourse holds the key to a better understanding of Islamist movements. Second, Islamists form an integral component of the Arab intelligentsia. As opinion shapers they influence the attitudes, beliefs and value systems of Arab publics. Third, Islamists have been writing extensively and critically about the United States, especially since the end of the Cold War. It is of great importance to understand why they are so ‘preoccupied’ with America and why they view it the way they do. Finally, Islamists write in a distinct style that leans heavily, and in complex ways, on the sacred text (the Qur'an). It is intriguing and intellectually stimulating to analyze the substance and style of their discourse and to contextualize it historically. This article focuses on one specific and critical aspect of contemporary Islamist discourse: its treatment of the United States.     

Islamist Mobilisation in Secularist Strongholds: Institutional Change and Electoral Performance in Turkey

How do Islamist parties mobilise support and win elections in secularist strongholds? What explains the electoral performance of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Turkey’s most consistently secularist region – western Anatolia? This article explores these questions with a comparative case study of two similar cities in the periphery of ?zmir where the AKP registered significantly different electoral results: Ödemi? and Salihli. It shows that deep institutional transformations of the local party organisations, including leadership turnover, reshuffling of the party cadres, and an explicit attempt by local party leaders to moderate and move to the political centre, were necessary factors for the AKP to succeed in elections where the Islamist constituency is weak.     

美国法律对劳工自由流动所加限制的历史演变——"自由资本主义阶段"之真实性质疑

与同时代的英国法律相比,美国法律从殖民地时代到19世纪给了自由劳工以较大的流动自由,但是普通法的不可分合同原则和合同中的丧失条款对劳工的自由流动仍然施加了限制.直到19世纪末和20世纪初,由于各州工资支付法的通过、任意雇用原则的广泛应用,以及西北条例、州宪法和美国宪法修正案对自由劳工的保护得到了愈来愈多的立法和司法支持,劳工自由流动的法律障碍才得以基本扫除.美国法律在19世纪对劳工自由流动的限制显示:将19世纪的美国视为"自由资本主义"阶段的传统观点有待商榷.     

Islamist politics in migrant cities: local identity cleavages and intra-party politics in Turkey

This article explores how the local party organizations of the Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi (Justice and Development Party—AKP) interact with complex social structures in migrant-receiving cities in Turkey. Islamist movements are widely viewed as uniquely capable of appealing to working-class migrants. However, the support for Islamist parties varies across migrant-receiving cities. This article argues that local party organizations face two potential sources of discord that they have to resolve in order to build support in migrant neighbourhoods. They have to bridge the regional identity cleavages among different migrant communities while surmounting intra-party conflicts. In pursuing this argument, this article opens up the black box of local identity politics in the industrial heartland of Turkey and provides an ethnographic account of intra-party conflicts and political survival within the AKP.     

Lessons by a Syrian Islamist from the life of the Prophet Muhammad

This article circulates between three levels of inquiry and their interweaving – the personal, the local and the national. It draws on several historical dimensions – military, legal, political, sociological, architectural and cultural. In different ways, all these interlinked fields of human action are reflected in the private history of one particular house, built in the 1930s by Khalil Sakakini in Qatamon, Jerusalem. By examining both discursive and material aspects of the house and neighbourhood, the various mechanisms through which Arab property was brought, in the aftermath of the 1948 war, under Israeli control are revealed, some state-orchestrated and preconceived, others more spontaneous and based on individual and collective tendencies and preferences.