共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
Eckart Woertz 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(6):939-957
This article provides a mapping exercise of the economic importance of non-hydrocarbon minerals (nhm) in the Middle East and North Africa (mena) and shows how governments in the region increasingly perceive them as strategic resources. The focus is on Saudi Arabia and other Gulf countries, Turkey, Morocco and Iran. nhm like iron ore, phosphates, aluminium and uranium are important for development models in the region, either as export commodities or as vital input factors. Since the 1990s, and as elsewhere in the world, the sector has witnessed privatisation and the promulgation of new mining codes. Yet governments have retained core capabilities and manage most key commodities themselves either directly or indirectly. Mining projects have met with opposition from labour representatives. They also have considerable environmental impact. The article discusses rentier state and resource curse theories, but argues that nhm have also increased development options and have contributed to economic diversification rather than being just a curse. 相似文献
2.
Jeffrey D. Wilson 《Third world quarterly》2015,36(2):223-239
The rise of new economic powers has seen increasing attention focused on the international role of the BRICS countries. Importantly, a common feature uniting the BRICS is that they are all resource-rich, and many analysts (and some BRICS governments) have argued that natural resources are one of the key factors propelling the rise of the group. This article explores the BRICS’ emerging status as ‘resource powers’, examining how resource wealth underpins their economic development and foreign policy strategies, and thus contributes to their growing influence in international affairs. It is argued that through the use of nationalistic mining and energy policies, the BRICS governments have exploited natural resources for both domestic economic and international diplomatic objectives. However, there are several challenges and emerging risks facing the BRICS’ resource strategies, which mean that resource wealth is making a positive – though inherently limited – contribution to the growing international status of the group. 相似文献
3.
Naazneen H. Barma 《Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies》2014,1(2):257-272
Countries rich in natural resources do not all experience the resource curse in the same way. The rentier state logic holds that the main political–economic impacts of resource dependence rest on how the state handles windfall resource rents. I differentiate how countries experience the resource curse by disaggregating the rentier effect into how governments generate and distribute resource rents. A simple typology of variation in rentier state experiences explains how the overall credibility of intertemporal commitment and degree of political inclusiveness in a country determine its distinct experience of the resource curse. Four brief country cases—comparing the micro political economy of natural resource governance in Laos, Papua New Guinea, Mongolia, and Timor‐Leste—illustrate how intertemporal credibility and political inclusiveness affect patterns of resource rent generation and rent distribution. Different countries experience the resource curse in different ways, with implications for policy attempts at mitigation. 相似文献
4.
Jannik Schritt 《Canadian journal of African studies》2016,50(2):229-254
The rentier state and resource curse concepts understand oil and uranium as fixed resources generating economic rents. In doing so, these theories largely ignore the social, economic, political and technological arrangements essential for a material substance like oil or uranium to become a resource. By comparing the diachronic and synchronic entanglements of the different socio-technical arrangements of oil and uranium in Niger, the assumption of the resource curse and rentier state theories, that resource revenues foster authoritarian tendencies, is revisited. Exploring the concept of resource assemblages, this article analyzes how political configurations are related to the process of resource exploitation. This perspective reveals that a new resource-political configuration in Niger has emerged since the beginning of oil production. Whereas Niger’s uranium-political configuration has long been characterized by a neocolonial discursive formation, the emerging petro-political configuration has produced a new resource nationalism in public opinion and governance which is transforming politics in Niger. 相似文献
5.
《Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies》2018,5(2):313-330
Under the government of President Joko Widodo, Indonesia's state‐owned enterprises (SOEs) have become the driver of the national development strategy. The current administration is actively using SOEs to conduct development projects based on the belief that SOEs are able to fix market failures and support the fiscally constrained government. In order to strengthen the role of SOEs, the Indonesian government is pursuing a medium‐term plan of creating sector‐based holding companies. The government expects that these state‐owned holding companies (SOHCs) will enable SOEs to expand investment and benefit from synergies. However, considering political hurdles in implementing this policy, the process of establishing SOHCs is expected to advance gradually. The government also continues to face challenges clarifying and communicating the rationale behind creating SOHCs. This paper examines the current political economic context of SOE ownership reorganisation in Indonesia and diverse views on the expected consequences of forming SOHCs. 相似文献
6.
Edward Aspinall 《Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies》2016,3(1):72-82
A new nationalist mood is visible in Indonesia, expressed in increasingly bellicose rejection of alleged foreign interference in Indonesia's affairs and in demands for greater international recognition of Indonesia's power and status. This new mood has been visible for several years, but became particularly marked during the 2014 presidential election and under the new Joko Widodo administration. This article analyses Indonesia's new nationalism, especially as manifested in economic, cultural and territorial spheres, noting both continuities with past episodes, and novel features. A chief novelty is contemporary nationalism's markedly non‐ideological and non‐intellectual form; continuity is visible in its discursive style, with many contemporary nationalists anachronistically reproducing tropes rooted in earlier periods. The article concludes by identifying forces driving the contemporary resurgence of nationalism, notably the effects of democratisation as well as deeper feelings of insecurity about Indonesia's achievements. 相似文献
7.
Nina Bandelj 《Nationalities Papers》2013,41(6):963-976
How relevant is nationality in global economic behavior? The aim of this paper is to scrutinize the relevance of nationality affiliations and nationality conceptions in cross-border economic transactions, using the case of foreign investment exchanges. In particular, I examine how nationality affiliations may shape the types of commitments that actors will want to realize through foreign investment transactions, and how nationality categorizations influence the evaluation of potential partners in economic transactions. I also stipulate when nationality affiliations and categorizations play a more- or less-salient role. To develop these propositions I use illustrations from cases of foreign investment attempts in which investors from the West try to acquire firms in post-socialist Slovenia. The analysis is grounded in economic sociology and advances a relational understanding of nationality, seen as interpretive codes embedded in actors' cultural repertoires, situationally invoked, and made relevant (or not) in interactions. 相似文献
8.
Terhemba Ambe-Uva 《Canadian journal of African studies》2017,51(1):81-101
In contrast to the early post-independence era in which African states predominantly controlled the mining sector, the 1980s saw African countries update their mining codes to attract foreign capital. These reform measures largely diminished the power of the state, either resulting in its “selective silence” or its retraction. However, after three waves of these reforms, the disparity between natural resources and sustainable development has continued to widen. Two theories offer a nuanced approach to understanding the state of flux of mining codes and mineral governance in Africa: governance theory and the developmental state theory. This article argues that the activist, interventionist state is making a comeback in mineral resource governance throughout Africa. Moreover, regional initiatives such as the African Mining Vision represent a fundamental departure in mineral governance. However, such initiatives will only bring development to the extent that they are owned by African governments and backed by local communities. 相似文献
9.
Biofuels are a growing alternative energy source. In a context of their growing global consumption, Brazil has shown particular interest in the European market. This paper analyses Brazilian foreign policy on biofuels towards the EU during Lula da Silva’s administration (2003–10). It examines the emergence of biofuels at a global level, the main guidelines of Brazilian foreign policy, Brazilian environmental foreign policy and, finally, the Brazilian political response to changes in European law. 相似文献
10.
Chien-peng Chung 《Nationalities Papers》2018,46(1):158-176
In response to foreign demands for concessions and territories, China’s last imperial court in the early twentieth century executed reforms to strengthen fiscal, personnel, military, and cultural control over its frontier regions. However, in so doing, it provoked an awakening of the national consciousness of the elites of non-Han ethnic minorities there. Much has changed over the past 100 years regarding the governance of China’s frontier territories of Inner Mongolia, Tibet, and Xinjiang, with the diffusion of nationalist claims among increasing numbers of the ethnic minority populace, heightened focus of foreign actors on the humanitarian and rights situations of the ethnic minorities, and greatly extended reach and firmer grip of the central government. What remained unaltered is the “state integration” purpose of Chinese regimes, as manifested in the practices of “internal colonialism” or “ethnic assimilation,” which has led to grievances and resistance by China’s ethnic minorities against the Chinese state. 相似文献
11.
《Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies》2018,5(2):249-263
This article examines the applicability of the Dutch Disease hypothesis by using a vector auto‐regression model, focusing on the resource‐rich and middle‐income economies in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. The empirical study found that the latecomers of Lao People's Democratic Republic and Myanmar seemed to suffer from the Dutch Disease over the sample period for 1970–2015; and the forerunners of Indonesia and Malaysia, on the other hand, appeared to have no Dutch Disease effect at least in the current period of 1997–2015, although Indonesia had experienced the Dutch Disease in the previous period of 1970–1996. The lessons from the forerunners' experiences in order for the latecomers to escape from the Dutch Disease are to establish some funding system of allocating resource revenues for investment projects; to diversify domestic industries through improving business environments; and to improve institutional quality to reinforce resource governance. 相似文献
12.
Craig P. Donovan 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(9):701-717
State governments face massive retirements over the next few years. Since internships have been a significant source of bright new blood, we examine what all fifty states are doing with internships. Some exemplary programs were found, but the typical state intern program serves only a few unpaid students, supervisors receive no special training, and no tracking is done to see whether interns stay in state service or what their contributions are. While many states blame stringencies, the budgets involved are comparatively modest and potential benefits significant. We propose an action agenda for state governments and the public administration community. 相似文献
13.
Zoe W. Brent Alberto Alonso-Fradejas Gonzalo Colque Sergio Sauer 《Third world quarterly》2018,39(7):1367-1385
AbstractThe current configuration of global land politics – who gets what land, how, how much, why and with what implications in urban and rural spaces in the Global South and North – brings disparate social groups, governments and social movements with different sectoral and class interests into the issue of natural resource politics. Governance instruments must be able to capture the ‘political moment’ marked by the increasing intersection of issues and state and social forces that mobilise around these. This paper looks at whether and how the Voluntary Guidelines on Responsible Governance of Tenure of Land, Fisheries and Forests in the Context of National Food Security (also known as the TGs) passed in 2012 in the United Nations Committee for Food Security (CFS) can contribute to democratising resource politics today. This work puts forward some initial ideas about how systematic research into the TGs can be done more meaningfully. 相似文献
14.
Many mining operations are on or near Indigenous land, and the strong level of investment during the recent mining boom may have disproportionately affected Indigenous communities. This article examines changes in local Indigenous employment, income and housing costs to identify any localised ‘resource curse’ for Indigenous communities and the Australian population at large. Census data are used to show the mining boom has improved employment and income outcomes, but increased average housing costs. While the average increase in income has generally offset the increase in costs, housing stress for low‐income households has increased as a result of the mining boom. 相似文献
15.
Rafael Leal-Arcas 《Contemporary Politics》2015,21(3):273-293
Energy security remains a vital issue for the European Union (EU), even more so in the wake of the events that unfolded in early 2014 in Ukraine. The EU's already fragile position in the international energy arena in terms of security of supply appears to be more uncertain than ever after its umpteenth fallout with its historic energy supplier, Russia. This situation is untenable and calls for swift and decisive action to adequately tackle the issue once and for all. The article looks at the creation of a single EU energy market through the integration of energy networks in the EU. This article then examines various ways to diversify its energy supply, whether through increasing the import of liquefied natural gas or through its relations with the Eurasian Union. It then explores the International Energy Charter as an example of the EU's engagement with transnational policy networks. It concludes that from energy transit, to technology transfer, to investment protection, energy and trade present interplays across various fields. Improvements can be made to the EU trading system to ensure greater energy security and more efficient energy markets. 相似文献
16.
Recent years have seen increased scholarly attention given to the issue of child soldiering. Primarily dedicated to the decision-making calculus of rebel groups, this body of work has generally emphasised supply-side versus demand-side arguments. We contribute to this growing literature by explicitly investigating a previously untested aspect of the latter. Prior scholarship has made vague references to a potential association between economic endowments and child soldiering, including natural resource wealth, but scant empirical attention has been given. We argue that the specific type of endowment has important consequences for the decision to utilise child soldiers. We argue access to and exploitation of lootable natural resources (e.g. gemstones) to be especially likely to promote the use of child soldiers due to their ease of access, the low skills required to harness them and the heightened likelihood that groups will become more profit-oriented. A systematic cross-national investigation of rebel groups provides robust evidence that lootable resources such as diamonds and gemstones are strongly associated with the use of children, while non-lootable resources such as oil are not. 相似文献
17.
Drawing on the insights of game theory and East Asian experience, this short note argues the importance of co-operative solutions in achieving economic development. To realise these, even genuine developmental states must convince a sceptical private sector of their commitment to economic development. Because of this, credibility should be added to the mix of ingredients necessary for a successful developmental state. 相似文献
18.
In Australia, both the Commonwealth and state governments are running substantial budget deficits, and future challenges are likely to make these problems worse. This paper presents the key challenges facing these budgets. Falling terms of trade and lower nominal economic growth will drag on government revenues. Spending in health and infrastructure has grown faster than GDP. State government revenues are also affected by Commonwealth decisions to reduce grants to them. We also show how the government's short‐term and medium‐term projections rely on overly‐optimistic assumptions about organic revenue growth and spending restraint. As such, a drift back to surplus is unlikely and restoring budget sustainability will require Australian governments to make more politically difficult decisions. While containing spending is important, both the politics of budget repair and the sheer size of the budget gap means that they will not be able to bring their budgets to balance without also boosting revenues. 相似文献
19.
Sheying Chen 《International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society》2002,15(4):569-589
China's socioeconomic crisis before 1978 and its success over the past two decades can be viewed as a zigzag process of politicization and depoliticization of the economic state. By summarizing the Chinese experience, this article shows the importance of a specific pattern of general public policy (GPP) in determining the nature of a policy system. China's economic and serialized reforms since 1978 are reviewed in order to illuminate the current situation and future direction of the nation. The changes have undermined the economic state by creating a trend of de-economicization in the Chinese government. If economic reform and social change are to continue smoothly, another transfer of state emphasis to more balanced development is required. 相似文献
20.
ZhongXiang Zhang 《Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies》2014,1(3):439-454
The Chinese leadership in November 2013 is determined to embark upon a new wave of comprehensive reforms in China. This is clearly reflected by the key decision of the Third Plenum of the 18th Central Committee of Communist Party of China to assign the market a decisive role in allocating resources. To have the market to play that role, getting the energy prices right is crucial. While the overall trend of China's energy pricing reform since 1984 has been moving towards a more market‐oriented pricing mechanism, the pace and scale of the reform differ across energy types. This article discusses the evolution of price reforms for coal, petroleum products, natural gas and electricity in China, provides some analysis of these energy price reforms, and suggests that few areas of reforms could take place in order to have the market play that decisive role and help China's transition to a low‐carbon economy. 相似文献