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1.
The EU calls itself a “soft power,” making “soft power” contributions to Asian security. That is undoubtedly what the EU is and does in Asia and the track record of European contributions to Asian peace and stability through economic and financial as well as development aid and technical assistance over the decades is not unimpressive. As will be shown below, over recent years Brussels and the Union's individual member states have sought to increase their involvement and role in Asian “hard security,” attempting to get rid of its reputation of being security a “free-rider” enjoying but not sharing the burden of US regional security guarantees. While the EU will continue to be a “hard security” actor in Asian security within limits, it is advised to concentrate its security cooperation with like-minded partners such as Japan and the US as opposed to hoping that talking to Beijing on regional or global security issues produces tangible results. As will be shown below, it clearly does not as Beijing continues to conduct very assertive and at times aggressive regional foreign and security policies insisting on the “principle of non-interference” in Chinese domestic and foreign policies. Consequently, EU influence on Chinese foreign and security policies in general and its increasingly aggressive policies related to territorial claims in the East China and South China Seas will continue to exist on paper and paper only.  相似文献   

2.
On the occasion of President Hu Jintao's visit to Japan in May 2008, the two sides issued a joint statement and agreed to promote the Mutually Beneficial Relationship Based on Common Strategic Interests in a comprehensive fashion. In addition, this is an important year in the development of China–Japan relations, as it marks the thirtieth anniversary of the concluding of the Treaty of Peace and Friendship between Japan and the People's Republic of China. It is also 20 years since the founding of the Institute for International Policy Studies, during which time IIPS has continuously been conducting research into global and East Asian regional peace and stability and furthering the development of China–Japan relations. Over the past two years China–Japan relations have been better than ever. How Japan and China should promote their Mutually Beneficial Relationship Based on Common Strategic Interests in the future and how they should promote peace and stability in the East Asian region are two vital issues that face the two nations.  相似文献   

3.
进入21世纪以来,东南亚地区秩序发生了重大变化,东南亚的多极化格局已经形成。在这个格局中,中美日三个大国与东盟一起共同发挥作用,维护该地区的和平、稳定与繁荣。维护该地区的和平、稳定与繁荣既是中美日三个大国的共同目标,也是它们的共同利益。东盟是该地区一支重要的、不可替代的力量,中美日三个大国能否在该地区实现合作共赢,在很大程度上取决于东盟的影响和如何发挥作用。  相似文献   

4.
20世纪初期,在日本帝国主义进行侵略和扩张的过程中,伊藤博文政府为了建立"东洋和平"和西方势力抗衡,主张在韩中日之间开展合作。但事实上这种主张不过是把当时以日本为中心的东北亚地区秩序合法化的说辞。针对这一点,安重根、安昌浩、申采浩等韩国独立运动家指出国家正处于丧失国权的危机之中,在对日本主张的"东洋和平"进行批判的同时,强调只有在韩国等周边国家的独立得到保障的情况下才有可能实现真正意义上的"东洋和平"。1910年日本帝国主义强行合并韩国以后,申采浩、朴殷植等韩国独立运动家在指出日本合并韩国的非法性的同时,还强调韩中日等东北亚地区国家间建立在信任基础上的交流和合作的重要性,主张韩国的独立有利于"东洋和平与世界和平"。尤其值得一提的是,柳麟锡在强调韩中关系在东北亚的重要性及中国作用的同时,还提出了韩中日三国在相互信任的基础上朝着共生关系发展的构想。  相似文献   

5.
Today, bilateral relations between Russia and Japan are at an important historical stage, says Alexander Nikolaevich Panov, Ambassador of the Russian Federation to Japan. There is a “window of opportunity” to establish a new Russian‐Japanese relationship in the twenty‐first century. The only issue that now awaits resolution is the legal settlement of territorial delimitation. This outstanding issue provides the basis for Russia's proposal to incorporate an agreement concerning territorial demarcation into the treaty on peace, friendship, and cooperation. It is in the interests of both nations to preserve, strengthen, and broaden their bilateral relations and to revitalize and enhance their cooperation in all areas  相似文献   

6.
安倍第二次执政以后,高度重视与中东的关系,经常出访中东地区。频繁地访问中东,说明了日本对中东地区的高度重视、日本与中东关系的密切和深厚。安倍第二次内阁期间,日本与中东关系的主要内容包括:关注中东和平问题解决、政治与安全保障问题、能源合作、地区与全球等领域的协调与合作。日本深化与中东关系的动因有:确保能源安全、规避地缘政治风险、彰显日本大国影响力、展示文化教育等软实力、奉行平衡外交、居间调停等。鉴于日本自身与地区和国际形势等多种复杂因素,今后继续深化与中东的关系,日本还面临着不少困难与挑战。  相似文献   

7.
“O Sport, You are Peace!
You forge happy bonds between the peoples
by drawing them together in reverence for strength
which is controlled, organised and self disciplined.
Through you the young of the entire world
learn to respect one another,
and thus the diversity of national traits becomes a source
of generous and peaceful emulation!”
Pierre De Coubertin (The founder of the modern Olympic Movement)

Sport is an excellent and powerful tool to promote peace, tolerance, and peaceful coexistence. Sport can bring together people of different ethnicities, nationalities, race, skin color, culture and religion. Sport promotes values, such as respect, honesty and cooperation. Sport has the power and ability to overcome the intercultural and political barriers. Sport can be the significant component of social integration. This article brings into the discussion the theme of sport for peace and a positive role of sport for international cooperation and peace. There is a limited amount of research and literature on the theme of sport and peace or sport for peace. The unique and positive power of sport for bringing about peace and peaceful solutions is not well researched and understood. Therefore, the reason for this article is to try to fill the gap in the existing literature on the theme of sport for peace and broaden the discussion about it. The article focuses on sport for peace initiatives implemented by the International Olympic Committee (IOC), the United Nations (UN) and its agencies, like UNESCO, UNICEF, UNHCR and non-governmental organizations and international sport federations. The article also examines the sport for peace initiatives from Japan, in the example of the Sport for Tomorrow (SFT) Programme of the Japanese Government for Tokyo 2020 Olympic and Paralympic Games and contribution by Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) in promoting and fostering friendship, cooperation, and peace in the world.  相似文献   

8.
East Asian regionalism is emerging starting with a process of “ASEAN plus three” cooperation and moving to a final East Asian Community. The foundation of East Asian regionalism lies in increasing regional common or shared interests. The significance of East Asian cooperation and integration is its developing process. “10?+?3” framework is not just an economic cooperation process but also has political significance. The process of East Asian cooperation plays a dual role in community building: reconciliation among the countries, and cultivation of each member itself. The major role of regional institutional building is peace making through cooperation under a regional framework. The cooperation between China and Japan is crucial for East Asian Community building.  相似文献   

9.
The merging of the Overseas Economic Cooperation Fund (OECF) and the ExportImport Bank of Japan to form the Japan Bank for International Cooperation (JBIC) signals a new phase in Japanese economic cooperation. In this article, Akira Nishigaki, former president of the OECF , describes the role and significance of Japan's official development assistance and considers recent policy trends and issues. It is essential for the peace and prosperity of Japan and of the world as a whole, he says, that Japan maintain favorable relations of interdependence in the international community. In this spirit, he expresses his hope that in funding and implementing assistance the JBIC will continue to strengthen Japan's considerable contribution to the development of developing countries.  相似文献   

10.
Sophia Price 《圆桌》2016,105(5):499-507
Abstract

Development cooperation between the European Union (EU) and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) group of states has provided a vehicle for the UK’s ongoing relationship with the majority of the Commonwealth, although this was widely overlooked in the run-up to the UK referendum and its aftermath. Membership of the EU has provided the UK with the opportunity to collectivise its obligations to ACP Commonwealth states and a framework for its development cooperation relations across the Global South. This has augmented British leadership in global development and the alignment of development policy and practice at the global, regional and national levels. This paper argues that withdrawal from the EU would be a lengthy and costly process that threatens to undermine the UK’s position in global development, current levels and sources of development funding and existing and nascent trade relations. While this will present particular challenges for ACP Commonwealth states, there may also be opportunities to propose and advocate for alternative frameworks. However, recent changes to the UK’s post-referendum political leadership does not augur well for those hoping for a roll back of pressures for liberalisation and associated reforms.  相似文献   

11.
The Nakasone administration placed a high priority on relations with South Korea in diplomatic efforts for stability and peace in Northeast Asia. He was the first Japanese Prime Minister to make an official visit, displaying a powerful leadership style in regard to Japan-South Korea relations that led to success in establishing a relationship of strategic cooperation between the two countries.  相似文献   

12.
Some people think that more unfettered competition in the form of competition of systems is needed to respond to globalization. Federalists, on the other hand, think that a European polity should be based on the principles of autonomy, cooperation, subsidiarity and participation. Essential to the future competitiveness of Europe will be the accumulation of social capital. Social capital is the propensity of people to cooperate for common purposes. Its main features are social justice, trust, civic engagement and tolerance. A federal structure and a reformed welfare state would best fit the accumulation of social capital. But internal structural adjustment of Europe is not sufficient. The EU, as the world's largest economic entity, should acquire the capacity to actively influence the ongoing process of globalization according to its own values and interests. Therefore, the EU should become a global player. But a “global player EU” is not possible until member states can agree to further integration of “high politics”.  相似文献   

13.
日本参与北极起步很早,上世纪中叶就开始了北极科研,曾开展过一系列国际联合调研课题。全球变暖导致北极冰块融化以后,北极的资源和航运价值开始引发日本的关注。安倍晋三重新出任首相后,日本全面加快参与北极的步伐,任命了北极大使,加强了与俄罗斯的北极合作。在如愿以偿成为北极理事会观察员后,日本今后将积极推动改变目前的北极治理架构。虽然目前中日关系处于前所未有的低谷,日本国内舆论对中国的相关海洋动向更是喋喋不休,但日本对中国的北极参与却持较为理性的态度,对与中国和韩国的北极参与合作也持向前看的姿态。这显然是因为中日韩在北极参与问题上携手合作的效应要远大于各行其是。  相似文献   

14.
宋爽  刘朋辉  陈晓 《欧洲研究》2020,38(2):61-80,M0003
数字资产创新为欧盟金融业发展带来希望,也给其金融安全带来挑战。从最初的虚拟货币(加密货币)到虚拟资产(加密资产),再到全球稳定币;欧盟面临的金融安全风险也从洗钱/恐怖主义融资对区域安全的危害,演变到对金融体系稳定运行的不利影响,再到对货币主权、支付主权构成的挑战。欧盟在数字资产监管过程中充分权衡创新收益与安全风险,在金融体系安全维度循序渐进地加强监管措施,在金融主权安全维度加紧建立数字稳定币监管法规并推动自身数字货币解决方案,在与金融手段相关的其他安全维度果断立法打击利用数字资产开展的恐怖主义融资活动。  相似文献   

15.
Japan's active engagement in the development of the Mekong region since the 1990s needs to be understood not only from an economic but also from a diplomatic perspective. Japan seeks to collaborate with ASEAN in facilitating multilateral “political dialogue” in the Asia-Pacific region and building an East Asian order based on “universal values” such as democracy and the rule of law, and the Mekong region could be the “weakest link” of ASEAN. After outlining Japan's twenty-year undertaking to cultivate Mekong-Japan cooperation, the author suggests that it is time to broaden the scope of the cooperation and accelerate Japan's “proactive contribution to peace” policy to cope with the changing security environment.  相似文献   

16.
国际格局未来10-20年的核心问题,俄方认为是美国和西方的整体性衰落和中国崛起之间的矛盾;中方倾向于认为,未来相当长时期内大国之间合作维护全球和平与发展的趋势有可能超出其竞争与冲突的一面。中国将继续保持谦虚、谨慎的态度,提升学习与创新能力,承担更多的国际责任。俄方断定,在西方衰落和中国崛起的大背景下,各方围绕俄罗斯的争夺似正日益明显,这既是基于俄的资源和欧亚大陆的重要战略地位,更是由于俄可能成为左右力量平衡的最后一根稻草。中方学者认为,俄罗斯重新崛起的基础已经奠定。与中国相比,俄在当代国际体系转型中可能会处于一个相对较为有利的地位。关于中俄双边关系,俄方集中关注两国经济贸易合作,认为主要存在经济关系远远落后于政治关系以及贸易结构原料化等问题。中方学者认为,中俄关系的中长期前景的主要挑战不在于政治关系和经济关系的不对称,而在于双方能否适应彼此关系的重新定位,能否建立起真正意义上的相互信任。俄方主张亚太地区必须建立新的地区安全和发展模式,以解决中美关系对抗性的潜在上升这一核心问题。中方主张,俄罗斯可以改变目前在政治和经济上参与亚太事务明显不足的局面。中俄两国有必要主动提出并推动亚太地区的国际议程设定,担负起服务型...  相似文献   

17.
ABSTRACT

The relationship between democratic South Africa and the European Union (EU) has been in existence for over 20 years, with its roots tracing back to anti-apartheid support measures. In its earlier form, it was anchored in the Reconstruction and Development Programme. Currently, it is guided by the National Development Plan of the National Planning Commission. This relationship has been tested over time, especially as a result of negotiations over the Economic Partnership Agreement with the EU. In the meantime, the euphoria that marked new South Africa's participation in the global system, with trade and development cooperation with the EU as one of the cornerstones, has waned considerably. The cancellation of several bilateral investment treaties with EU member states has further strained the relationship. While there are notable successes in the EU–South Africa Strategic Partnership, these may not be reflective of the actual strategic value of the partnership in the context of global shifts and the rising influence of emerging powers with which South Africa is integrating.  相似文献   

18.
ABSTRACT

South Africa’s peace and security outlook in the EU–South Africa Strategic Partnership has been guided by the content and substance of the founding document, which incorporates an interdependent approach to development. For South Africa, engagement in the EU–South Africa Strategic Partnership is framed by its historical background, its identity and the content of its foreign policy. South Africa's foreign policy in particular adopts an integrated approach to securing the state within its surrounding regional and continental geography. This article reviews South Africa's approach to peace and security, in the context of the strategic partnership. The article argues that, overall, South Africa's definition of peace and security is compatible with that of the EU; however, Pretoria's vision of how it provides peace and security has naturally changed in line with the varying international circumstances in which it has found itself. While this has proved difficult at times to reconcile, peace and security collaboration in the strategic partnership has managed to remain intact.  相似文献   

19.
This article discusses Japan's contribution to world peace both in the past and in the future. Japan's domestic, historical, and strategic circumstances shaped its concept of comprehensive security focused on international economic cooperation since the 1970s. Three decades of constructive relations with neighbors, including reconciliation with Southeast Asia built a strong foundation for Japan's new security role, one driven by new domestic and external imperatives. The article also documents the evolution of Japan's security policy and role in international peacekeeping, and concludes by arguing that Japan–ASEAN partnership is a key component of Japan's new security role, including permanent membership in the United Nations Security Council. In developing this new role, it is critically important that Japan engages its neighbors in ASEAN (and elsewhere) to gain their support for this new role.  相似文献   

20.
Soumita Basu 《圆桌》2017,106(1):71-78
South Asia contributes the largest contingent of peacekeepers to the United Nations, and yet remains a fragile region in terms of peace within its own borders. This article argues that, although the implications of South Asia’s engagement in global peacekeeping operations has been the subject of academic study, not enough attention has been paid to how South Asian expertise in peacekeeping can be harnessed as a resource for regional cooperation.  相似文献   

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