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1.
加强和改进思想政治工作必须增强四种意识   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
思想政治工作是经济工作和其他一切工作的生命线。新形势下思想政治工作只能加强 ,不能削弱。加强思想政治工作必须增强四种意识 :挑战意识、政治意识、“生命线”意识、创新意识。  相似文献   

2.
In contemporary society public opinion is generally mediated by the mass media, which has come to encompass the Habermasian 'public sphere'. This arena is now characterised by the conflict between market and democratic principles, by competing interests of politicians and the media. The presentation of information for debate becomes distorted. The opinion of the 'public' is no longer created through deliberation, but is constructed through systems of communication, in conflict with political actors, who seek to retain control of the dissemination of information. The expansion of the internet as a new method of communication provides a potential challenge to the primacy of the traditional media and political parties as formers of public opinion.  相似文献   

3.
This article adresses itself to the problem of political recruitment. Most recruitment studies are based on models of recruitment where the model presupposes more candidates than positions. Studying local committees we cannot presuppose excess demand for political positions. The article tries to introduce economic theory into the study of political recruitment. With concepts of market, supply, demand and prices, the article discusses recruitment to various types of positions. When we have extreme market conditions with either excess demand or lack of demand, the recruitment processes can best be understood in terms of hierarchical forces. The sales of less important positions in a situation with low demand for these positions could best be understood in terms of market mechanism. Comparing an economic market with a political market, the article finds variation in the transaction structure. The economic markets have a specific transaction structure, with specific obligations linked to transactions, while the political markets have a more unspecified transaction structure with more unspecified obligations linked to the transactions. A less specified transaction structure has lower transaction costs in a hierarchy than in a market. This, the author believes, could explain why some transactions take place in markets while others take place in hierarchies.  相似文献   

4.
Generations of democratic theorists argue that democratic systems should present citizens with clear and distinct electoral choices. Responsible party theorists further argued that political participation increases with greater ideological conflict between competing electoral options. Empirical evidence on this question, however, remains deeply ambiguous. This article introduces new joint estimates of citizen preferences and the campaign platforms chosen by pairs of candidates in U.S. House and Senate races. The results show that increasing levels of ideological conflict reduce voter turnout, and are robust across a wide range of empirical specifications. Furthermore, the findings provide no support for existing accounts that emphasize how ideology or partisanship explains the relationship between ideological conflict and turnout. Instead, I find that increasing levels of candidate divergence reduce turnout primarily among citizens with lower levels of political sophistication. These findings provide the strongest evidence to date for how mass political behavior is conditioned by electoral choice.  相似文献   

5.
新媒体的急速发展,使得当代大学生的教育环境、传播方式、接受心理均发生了变革。高校思政工作者需要及时审视互动环境,重视传播对象在教育中的地位与作用,积极培养学生意见领袖,及时抢占传播阵地,善于引导学生意见领袖,将思想政治教育贯彻于传播的全过程。  相似文献   

6.
胡艳 《学理论》2012,(4):134-135
从育人目标、现状分析、对策研究三个方面入手,分析了高校两课教育所面临的问题与挑战,从坚信党的创新理论,加强自身人格修养,推行创造性教学方法,提高教学科研能力方面入手,提出了高校思政课教师如何增强思想政治课的针对性和实效性。  相似文献   

7.
张国良 《学理论》2010,(11):170-171
以人为本是科学发展观的核心理念,也是高校思想政治教育的核心理念,必须要在高校思想政治教育中全面贯彻以人为本的核心理念。以人为本的思想政治教育,就是以人为核心,坚持和运用马克思主义关于人的本质,人的需要,人的全面发展的理论,结合历史与现实,改进和创新思想政治教育。至少要做到:尊重、平等、互动、共融,承认学生个体的独立人格,尊重学生个性,彰显个性,明晰学生需求、拓展能力。  相似文献   

8.
John S.  Dryzek 《Political studies》1992,40(4):679-694
The identity of political science, its tenuous orthodoxies and continuing divisions, is bound up with its history. The historical subject of this essay is the rise of one particular orthodoxy, the socio-psychological model of opinion research and voting behaviour originally associated with the University of Michigan. This rise helps constitute a conservative defence of American liberal democracy in the early cold war, owing much to the peculiar politics of that era. The contemporary payoff of this historical reconstruction is an identification of the vulnerabilities and invulnerabilities of the model as highlighted by its struggles with the understandings it superseded and the contingent political context of these struggles. The substantial legacy for the discipline as a whole merits careful critical scrutiny, especially given changes in the political context since the 1950s, and the end of the cold war.  相似文献   

9.
The Political Environment and Ballot Proposition Awareness   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:1  
Studies that examine whether voters make informed decisions on direct legislation and whether direct legislation enhances civic engagement presume a basic awareness of ballot propositions, yet little is known about why some ballot propositions are more widely known than others. Despite the fact that research on awareness of ballot propositions and political awareness focus on individual factors, the political environment plays a vital role. This study seeks to advance our understanding of environmental factors in explaining awareness of ballot propositions. Using data on California ballot elections between the years 1956 and 2000, I find that the political environment has a substantial effect on voter awareness. Specifically, I find that the electoral cycle, media coverage, campaign spending, voter fatigue, the number of days before an election, and issues that concern morality, civil liberties, and civil rights contribute to ballot proposition awareness.  相似文献   

10.
This article explores structural causes for the decline in the quality of Australia's political and policy conversations. Three are nominated. The first concerns the changing role of the major party organisations. These no longer contribute to agenda setting; they are no longer forums for activist and interest mobilisation; they no longer mobilise and cue a mass base. The second structural change concerns the rise in the role of the media. This is now the primary bridge between the formal political system and the surrounding society, a role for which it is singularly ill‐equipped. The third change concerns the misalignment between the formal political system and Australian society. The formal system was formed in the early twentieth century when Australian society was broadly divided by class allegiance. Those days are long gone. Class has decomposed. A variety of new concerns differentiate and pluralise social attitudes. Possible remedies are then discussed.  相似文献   

11.
在政治生活中,几乎每一个领域和具体问题上都充斥着各种各样的态度和意见.这些态度和意见从哪里来,是民意研究领域的一个常见问题,而从政治社会化的视角寻找民意来源,则是民意研究的一个重要内容.其中,家庭、学校、时代与生命周期的影响,既代表着不同的民意来源,也反映了早期社会化阶段民意形成过程中情感变量与信息变量的不同影响.在民意的形成过程中,情感变量与信息变量在持续产生影响,其影响在生命周期的不同阶段也在持续发生变化.  相似文献   

12.
思想政治教育的意识形态功能与社会思潮引领   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
自改革开放以来,我国社会各种思潮相互激荡.充分发挥思想政治教育的意识形态功能正是用社会主义核心价值体系引领社会思潮的主要途径.社会思潮在社会意识结构中具有特殊的地位和作用.正确有效地发挥思想政治教育的意识形态功能应当坚持做到三个结合:一是原则上的一元性与多层次性相结合;二是途径上的灌输性与渗透性相结合;三是方针上的批判性与建设性相结合.  相似文献   

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15.
<正>当前,随着学习实践党的十七届四中全会提出的关于加强和改进新形势下党的建设的要求,如何在现有的条件下,发挥企业党组织的政治核心作用和基层党组织的战斗堡垒作用,发挥工、团的群众组织作用,高质量、高效率地完成企业各项任务,已成  相似文献   

16.
党的思想政治工作是经济工作和其他各项工作的“生命线”。做好思想政治工作 ,必须讲究恰当的作用方式。思想政治工作作用方式 ,是指思想政治工作者的思想与思想政治工作对象的思想发生作用所采取的方式。两种思想发生联结后 ,它们之间必然要发生这样那样的相互作用 ,为此 ,我们要研究它们之间的作用采取什么样的方式进行。在思想政治工作过程中 ,如何发挥思想政治工作作用方式的作用 ,才能使本社会占统治地位的思想为人们所接受 ,并内化为自己的需要 ,这正是思想政治工作实践提出的现实课题。一、理论启发所谓理论启发 ,是指思想政治工作者…  相似文献   

17.
This study reports on public opinion surveys on fiscal value,taxation, trust and confidence in governments, and federal politicalculture conducted in Canada, Mexico, and the United States inJune 2004. Compared to past years, support for the federal governmentremains high in the United States, with support for local governmentsurging substantially in 2004. The local property lax is viewedas the worst U.S. lax, followed secondly but distantly by thefederal income tax. Canadians are less supportive of their federalgovernment, and more supportive of their local governments,than Mexicans and Americans. However, Mexicans show low trustand confidence in all their governments, while Americans reportfairly high trust and confidence in all their governments. Onmeasures of federal political culture, Canadians scored highest,Mexicans scored lowest, and Americans fell in between.  相似文献   

18.
We examine the relationship between the valence qualities of candidates and the ideological positions they take in U.S. House elections based on a study of the 2006 midterm elections. Our design enables us to distinguish between campaign and character dimensions of candidate valence and to place candidates and districts on the same ideological scale. Incumbents with a personal‐character advantage are closer ideologically to their district preferences, while disadvantaged challengers take more extreme policy positions. Contrary to conventional wisdom, challengers can reap electoral rewards by taking more extreme positions relative to their districts. We explore a possible mechanism for this extremism effect by demonstrating that challengers closer to the extreme received greater financial contributions, which enhanced their chances of victory. Our results bear on theories of representation that include policy and valence, although the interactions between these two dimensions may be complex and counterintuitive.  相似文献   

19.
马克思主义认为,人性是自然人性与社会人性在生产实践中的统一,这就为思想政治教育人性化研究提供了理论基础;以马克思主义人性论为指导,阐述了思想政治教育人性化的基本内涵和现实依据,探讨了思想政治教育人性化的实现路径;指出要在对传统思想政治教育反思的基础上,分别从教育理念、教育环境以及教育方法三个方面实现思想政治教育的人性化,最终达到人的自由全面发展。  相似文献   

20.
论思想政治教育中的情感问题   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
构建和谐社会进程中的思想政治教育应该是道德知识的传授与道德情感的培育的有机统一体.探究思想政治教育中情感的基本内涵、基本功能、运行机制、培育路径等问题,在理论上可以拓展现代思想政治教育学学科的研究范域,在实践上有助于增强思想政治工作的有效性、针对性和实效性.  相似文献   

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