日本帝国主义对朝鲜的强占政策(1904～1910)(三)

<正>一《乙巳条约》草案的拟定与美帝国主义支持日本侵占朝鲜政策的罪行1.日本明治政府为确保其对朝鲜的"保护权"而进行的外交活动及其"条约"文本的出台日本自发动对俄战争之日起,就以战胜首要竞争者俄国、迫使对方承认其对朝鲜的"保护权",推动其既定强占政策进入决定性阶段为目标而采取各种手段积极准备。战争爆发后,日本帝国主义逼迫朝鲜签订《韩日议定书》《第一次韩日协约》等一系列条约掌握朝鲜的内政、外交"实权"的同时,进一步发展其亲美英的传统政策,发动了反俄并朝的外交攻势。     

日本帝国主义对朝鲜的强占政策(1904~1910)(二)

<正>一日本帝国主义以发动对俄战争为契机占领朝鲜及强行签订《韩日议定书》(第一阶段1904~1905)1.日本帝国主义军事占领朝鲜及强行签订《韩日议定书》朝鲜人民的不共戴天的仇敌、急于占领朝鲜的日本帝国主义,经过长期的战争准备,在美英帝国主义的积极支持下,最终于1904年2月8日夜在没有任何正式宣战公告的情况下,突然袭击了停泊在旅顺港和济物浦的俄国舰队,发动了打开侵占朝鲜之路、给中朝两国人民带来无数灾难的罪恶战争。日本发动的对俄战争,不仅是俄日为争夺殖民地而进行的帝国主义战争,也是日本帝国主义把大量军队侵入已向世界宣布保持严正中立的朝鲜人民的神圣国土,肆意施暴,试图为最终吞并     

汪荣宝与国民政府“攘外必先安内”国策的出笼——以1931年“朝鲜排华运动”为中心

1931年7月，在日本精心策划和挑唆下，中朝民众因租地出现对立，酿成了万宝山事件。朝鲜民众不明真相，甚至以日本撑腰而将矛头对准在朝鲜的华侨，掀起了惨无人道的“排华运动”。朝鲜排华运动发生后，中国国民政府采取妥协的方针和立场，并借此提出“攘外必先安内”的国策，从而导致了中国驻日公使汪荣宝的被免职     

“朴定阳事件”与中朝之间的外交纷争

“朴定阳事件”是朝鲜政府试图摆脱清政府的干预，跻身于世界民族之林的一次外交行动。从1887年9月到1891年12月，中朝两国围绕着“朴定阳事件”，进行了长达4年之久的反复交涉。清政府在阻止朴定阳出国、遵守三条规则（“三端”）、惩治朴定阳三个环节上，作出了诸多努力。然而，所有这一切都化为泡影，最后只得以“不得委以重任”、“不准再充使臣之职”为台阶，尴尬收场。清政府在这场旷日持久交涉中的唯一收获，就是阻遏了朝鲜政府遣使驻扎欧洲的计划，勉强维护了宗主国的体面。该事件反映了朝鲜政府对清政府后期全面干预政策的不满与抗争，昭示了朝鲜谋求国家独立的坚定意志。它作为一杆标尺，验证了清政府对朝政策的失败。     

核武器与美国对第一次台湾海峡危机的政策

195 4 - 195 5年发生的第一次台湾海峡危机是 2 0世纪 5 0年代中美关系史上的一个重大事件 ,也是中美两国继朝鲜战争之后的又一直接较量 ,使双方再次处于战争的边缘。危机期间 ,艾森豪威尔政府不断挥舞核武器 ,试图以核威慑来迫使中国做出让步。但是 ,美国的强硬政策不仅没有取得任何效果 ,反而使自己陷入了进退两难的境地。同时 ,这次危机也表明了中美对抗的限度 ,揭示了美国“战争边缘政策”和“核威慑”战略的本质。     

朝鲜“三·一运动”及中朝友谊的发展

朝鲜“三·一运动”及中朝友谊的发展杜春和１９１９年在朝鲜爆发的“三·一运动”，是朝鲜人民反抗日本帝国主义的资产阶级民族民主革命运动。它开创了朝鲜由殖民地社会走上争取民族自由独立运动的新纪元。“三·一运动”和同年在中国爆发的“五四运动”，有着同样伟大的...     

大国家党对韩国政府“和平繁荣政策”的挑战

卢武铉政府的对朝“和平繁荣政策”面临着第一大在野党大国家党强有力的挑战。后者利用“对朝汇款事件”强烈抨击政府的对朝政策 ,主张在朝核等问题上对朝鲜采取强硬姿态 ,强调与美国的协调与合作。新政府立足未稳 ,而大国家党却在国会中占有绝对的优势地位 ,其与政府在对朝政策上的差异将对南北合作的具体方式产生重要影响 ,并将引导韩国的对朝政策向美国的立场靠拢。     

我所知道的“朝总联”

金正恩近日向朝总联发去贺电,称"朝鲜将珍惜并千方百计保护主体的爱国遗产——朝总联"。全球最年轻的国家领袖、不到30岁的朝鲜最高领导人金正恩,当下面临两大困境:朝鲜原本就缺粮严重,7月遇特大水灾;承担朝鲜在日外交机构功能的"在日本朝鲜人总联合会"(简称"朝总联"),因欠日本债权机构巨债,中央本部大楼陷入被拍卖险境。"朝...     

试论大院君时期朝鲜的对外政策——以"丙寅洋扰"、"辛未洋扰"及朝鲜的对应为中心

进入19世纪40年代以来，利用坚船利炮打开中国和日本国门的欧美列强将矛头指向东亚地区最后一块“未开垦地”——朝鲜。法国和美国分别在1866年和1871年对朝鲜发动武力征服，即“丙寅洋扰”和“辛未洋扰”。面对法、美舰队的入侵，大院君政府没有作出丝毫的妥协和让步，进行了英勇的抵抗，维护了国家主权。在两次“洋扰”期间，朝鲜政府继续维持着与中国的传统宗藩关系，欲凭借这种关系将中国作为代言本国立场的窗口和对外收集情报的窗口来利用，并且将中国作为抵挡西方冲击的防波堤，以阻挡或缓冲来自西方的冲击，维持朝鲜王朝的统治秩序。     

俄朝构建“全方位”关系：驱动逻辑、外溢效应与结构短板

在乌克兰危机长期化、复杂化的背景下,俄罗斯和朝鲜显著增强战略互动的频次和范围,并提出构建“全方位”关系的目标。俄朝构建“全方位”关系的驱动力包括秩序认同、战略契合和角色定位三重逻辑。在秩序认同方面,两国具有相似的孤立环境和国家安全威胁感知。在战略契合方面,俄罗斯的“东向南下”战略布局与朝鲜的反霸权、反干涉斗争政策轨迹相互交叉。在角色定位方面,俄朝存在互为支点、安全协同与需求互嵌的自我定位。从俄朝构建“全方位”关系的外溢效应来看,两国间更为积极和全面的战略合作,可能强化东北亚地区现有安全困境的复合性,导致域外国家制造的“冷战叙事”加速回归,并进一步增加解决朝核问题的复杂性。需要注意的是,俄朝构建“全方位”关系仍面临互惠关系的脆弱性、利益纽带的单一性以及追求“三角联动”的路径陷阱等结构性短板,导致其在发展韧性和可持续性方面存在不确定性。     

Russian Energy and the Korean Peninsula

The recent agreements concerning North Korea’s nuclear program raise possibilities for providing North Korea with energy (oil and gas) to compensate for the termination of its nuclear program and of integrating it more broadly into the Northeast Asian economy. Russia has long wanted to play the role of provider of oil and gas to North Korea and these agreements open up new opportunities for it to do so. However, serious obstacles in the nature of North Korea’s precarious economic situation and its consequences, international rivalries in Northeast Asia, and Russia’s own energy policies present serious obstacles to the realization of Russia’s ambitions as regards North Korea and as energy provider to Northeast Asia as a whole.     

俄罗斯在东北亚地区的对外能源合作

东北亚在俄罗斯当前能源政策和未来能源战略中的地位非常重要。今后,俄罗斯将进一步加大对中国、韩国和日本的油气出口,推动东北亚地区内国家层次和企业层次的多边合作,最终极大地促进俄罗斯与中、日、韩三国形成长期、良好的能源合作关系。     

Arzamas-16 and Russian Studies

Abstract

A Korean specialist analyzes the project designed to link the Trans-Siberian Railway (TSR) and Trans-Korean Railway (TKR), a project that is currently under active discussion in both Russia and South Korea. The significance of the TSR in relation to Russia's new strategy towards the Asia-Pacific region and the present conditions of international transit container traffic is examined. An evaluation is offered of the critical issues that need to be resolved to make the project a reality as well as implications of the project for economics and politics in the region if the project reaches completion.     

South Korea’s policy toward Russia: A Korean view

The article focuses on delineating South Korea’s policy toward Russia. First, it gives a cursory review, from a historical perspective, of how South Korea came to normalize diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union and has continued to maintain its diplomatic relations with Russia in the wake of the collapse of the Soviet Union in an attitude of increased pragmatism. Second, it examines the salient features of South Korea’s diplomatic milieu, especially in terms of its strategic security and economic interests, in a bilateral and regional context in the post-cold war era, in light of its newly established diplomatic relationship with Russia. Finally, South Korea’s policy agenda vis-à-vis Russia is identified in various arenas, including diplomacy and security; bilateral and multilateral economic cooperation; and regional multilateral secruity regime-building.     

Russia's energy governance transitions and implications for enhanced cooperation with China,Japan, and South Korea

A Tokyo-based economist and a noted western economic geographer, both specializing in the hydrocarbon resources of Russia, apply the framework of governance studies in an effort to gain a deeper understanding of the recent changes in the country's energy policy-making. The authors argue that, unlike the international relations paradigm prevailing in studies of Russia's energy policy, the country's multiple roles in the international energy arena (as producer, consumer, exporter, importer, and transit state) warrant a more nuanced approach, reflecting Russian energy policy's flexibility over time and diversity across space. This paper endeavors, therefore, to apply a political economy and governance perspective to an understanding of the significant changes in Russia's energy policy-making regarding its dynamic energy relations with the Northeast Asia (NEA; China, Japan, and South Korea). In exploring the complex interactions between Russia's internal energy policy-making and its emerging energy relations in NEA, the authors addresses three key questions, namely: (1) how Russia's Asian energy policy corresponds to its domestic needs, (2) how much coherence in energy governance and cooperation exists between Russia and the Northeast Asian states at the institutional and organizational levels, and (3) the extent to which Russia's expectations for increased energy cooperation with the Northeast Asian states are likely to materialize.     

Swedish Diplomacy in the Asia-Pacific Region

The year 2018 marks the 150th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between Japan and Sweden. It is believed that the first contact between Sweden and Japan came during the Edo Period and was mediated by the Netherlands. The Treaty of Friendship, Commerce and Navigation between Japan and Sweden, signed in 1868, also came into being thanks to the good offices of the Dutch. This treaty, like many others into which Japan entered at that time, was an “unequal treaty.” As Japan increased its presence in East Asia, this unequal treaty with Sweden was revised in 1911. The world was changing. Sweden and Japan shared a common interest in opposing Russia’s ambitions. Russia in particular was a common threat to the diplomatic posture and security of both Japan and Sweden. These two nations, positioned like bookends on either side of Russia, could be important strategic partners for one another and allies in their relationships with Russia. Considering the current issue of North Korea, Sweden also has the potential to act as a mediator because it maintains diplomatic relations with North Korea. There is reason to believe that the diplomatic relationship between Japan and Sweden will develop further.     

俄罗斯对叙利亚政策中的东正教因素

俄罗斯在叙利亚乱局中的表现,近期再次成为国际热点。自2011年介入不断升级的叙利亚危机以来,俄罗斯目前已经成为主导叙政治进程的主要外部力量。在俄罗斯此次应对叙利亚危机的外交中,东正教因素起到了重要作用。早在帝国时期,俄国就持续介入叙利亚事务。俄罗斯与叙利亚自古以来的东正教文化交往,影响着沙俄对安提阿教会和叙利亚东正教徒的情感,成为沙俄加入中东大国角逐的突破口。此次介入叙利亚危机,是历史的延续。俄罗斯东正教会领导人的公开发言、其附属机构在国际组织对叙基督徒问题的宣传以及提供人道援助,起到了公共外交的效果,一定程度上使俄罗斯的介入和军事行动合法化,获得了俄罗斯国内外民众的理解与支持。东正教因素的上述多重影响,是俄罗斯介入此次叙利亚危机、并成功实现其外交策略和目标的重要因素之一。     

俄罗斯问题的西方表述——关于欧美俄苏研究导论

在国际学术界和国际政治领域,俄罗斯问题是一个很复杂的概念.之所以如此,远不只是俄国本身的文明结构之复杂性所致,更有西方的独特表述之原因.影响西方对俄罗斯问题表述的,是因为西方自身的欧洲中心论、欧美所建构的"西方"概念及其在国际和俄国所产生的反应、对俄罗斯问题进行斯拉夫-俄国-苏联学研究等,这些原因从不同方面促成了西方对俄罗斯问题的认知和判断远不同于俄国,既时有谬误,又始终有着主体意识、独特发现.     

China,US and the North Korean issue

This article explores the strategic interests of China and the US in the North Korean issue. It examines their different perceptions of North Korea. For China, North Korea is needed as a friendly buffer state as well as a political ally. As the lone superpower and lynchpin of international security, the US wants to stop unpredictable North Korea from further developing its nuclear capabilities. The article then explores the shared goal of both great powers in promoting stability on the Korean peninsula and in preventing nuclear proliferation. It is argued that the interplay of Sino–US security interests has a huge impact on the evolution of the North Korean issue.     

韩国公共外交的主要途径及制约因素

为提高韩国国家形象和国际地位,适应国际外交环境的变化,李明博政府确立了文化外交向公共外交转换的发展战略,并通过各种途径,积极开展公共外交的实践活动,其中有许多值得我们借鉴的经验。但是,近些年韩国与中国民间关系龃龉丛生的现实,却折射了韩国公共外交进一步发展的深层障碍。如何超越障碍是韩国公共外交面临的重要课题。