Alan Bullock, 1914–2004: “I Only Write Enormous Books” 1

Alan Bullock (1914–2004) was one of Britain’s most distinguished scholars and the author of several extremely important books on recent and modern European civilization, history and culture. His enormous contribution to British, European, and Anglo-Saxon culture and historiography is easily discernible in his many books and essays. Chief among them his biography of Hitler, parallel study of Hitler and Stalin, three volume biography of Ernest Bevin, and the Fontana dictionaries of modern thought. One of Bullock’s greatest achievements was the establishment of St. Catherine’s College in Oxford University, at which he served as the Founding Master for more than a generation (1962–1990). Prior to WW II, recent European history was not considered a respectable research field worthy of serious academic work, nor was it thought that there existed the necessary distance from recent events for historians to deal with such history in a proper fashion. However, Alan Bullock’s books turned the study of modern and recent European history into the mainstream of postgraduate studies at Oxford. Lord Bullock contributed tremendously (together with Hugh Seton-Watson, Bill Deakin, Hugh Trevor-Roper and A. J. P. Taylor) to the breakthrough which turned contemporary history into a focus for academic research and teaching.     

李长傅对南洋历史地理文献的整理与校释

关于李长傅的学术成果，近年来已有一些学者作了总结和探讨，但对其在南洋历史地理研究方面的贡献涉及不多。从历史地理学的角度，对李长傅在南洋历史地理文献方面的学术工作加以梳理，不仅有助提升李长傅的学术地位，而且能为东南亚历史地理研究的开展提供史料和方法参考。     

中国的犹太研究

中国的犹太研究经历了1949～1978年的沉寂期。改革开放后,犹太研究逐渐进入复苏、发展与高潮期。专事犹太研究的学术团体和机构渐多,关涉犹太议题的书籍和论文大量问世,高校中犹太历史、文化方面的教学日益活跃,参加国际学术活动和开展国际学术交流更为积极,这极大地推进了我国犹太研究的开展和深入。犹太研究的开展使国人对中东问题有了进一步了解,能在更深层次理解和把握中东冲突的实质,同时也促进了对犹太人在华散居历史的研究。     

Sir Alexander Cadogan and Lord Halifax's 'Damascus road' conversion over the Godesberg terms 1938

The article challenges the recent perception that Lord Halifax was the hero of the Czech crisis in 1938, when in fact the real credit for his revolt against the Godesberg terms belonged to Sir Alexander Cadogan, the Permanent Under-Secretary at the Foreign Office. It does on to argue that Halifax was ill suited by nature to be Foreign Secretary and that his subsequent record shows him to have been a natural appeaser, still loyal to Chamberlain, who argued for an accommodation with Hitler in the summer of 1940.     

胡志明汉文著作中的中越友谊

中越两国山水相连，友好关系源远流长。在近现代，中越关系的发展曾一度出现历史的高峰期，在两国领导人领导两国人民一起为民族解放事业而进行斗争的岁月里，胡志明与中国之间产生了深厚友谊。在胡志明的许多著作特别是汉文著作中，也体现了当时中越两国这种真挚的情感。     

Sir Alexander Cadogan and Lord Halifax's ‘Damascus road’ conversion over the Godesberg terms 1938

The article challenges the recent perception that Lord Halifax was the hero of the Czech crisis in 1938, when in fact the real credit for his revolt against the Godesberg terms belonged to Sir Alexander Cadogan, the Permanent Under‐Secretary at the Foreign Office. It does on to argue that Halifax was ill suited by nature to be Foreign Secretary and that his subsequent record shows him to have been a natural appeaser, still loyal to Chamberlain, who argued for an accommodation with Hitler in the summer of 1940.     

英国足球的历史传承与产业化

英国是世界公认的体育强国,更是现代足球的摇篮。足球在英国有着悠久的历史,所以英国文化中渗透着浓厚的足球元素。潜移默化的足球文化与大众深厚的足球情结,使足球成为一项炙手可热的产业。因此,英国足球也从俱乐部的业余性娱乐活动逐渐走向了由俱乐部经营的职业化运动。毋庸置疑,正是源于其悠久的历史传承和坚实的群众基础以及规范化的市场运营才使之成功地实现了高端产业化,英格兰文化也因足球而声名远播。     

The Polish Blitz,More than a Mere Footnote to History: Poland and Preventive War with Germany, 1933

The January 1933 appointment of Adolf Hitler as Chancellor of Germany marked the beginning of the end of the fragile post-war peace throughout Europe. The Polish leadership had good reason to fear his threats of revising the Treaty of Versailles. Realising that Hitler was too dangerous to remain in power, the Polish leadership led by Marshal Józef Pi?sudski prepared for a preventive war against Germany. Unfortunately, the appeasement policy among the Western Powers condemned this plan to failure and forced Poland into signing a non-aggression pact with Germany in 1934; thus dooming Poland's existence. To test his premonitions about Hitler, Pi?sudski created several international “incidents” concerning the Free City of Danzig, designed to test both Germany and whether the Western Powers would fight to uphold the Treaty of Versailles. Pi?sudski's efforts offer proof that Poland deserves more credit for its determination to deal with a rising tide of Nazi Germany.     

日本学界的《文明论概略》解读

福泽谕吉的《文明论概略》成书于明治八年(1875),该书言简意赅,极具包容性和思想张力,被视为了解日本近代文化必读的经典。日本学界百余年间见仁见智的评价、研究历史已经形成了一个复杂的知识谱系。综述学界的百年阅读史,探寻争论焦点背后潜藏的种种隐喻,可为我国学界的相关研究提供重要的学术参考。     

European civil society

The concept of “civil society” is still the subject of thorough academic research. It emerged, in Europe, in the 18th century and implied a culture of civility which, while emphasising autonomy from established institutions, also emphasised the freedom to associate and a commitment to common good beyond particular interests. A modern definition of the concept makes civil society the sum of “Organisations which are self-governing and constitutionally independent of the State or political parties; do not involve the distribution of profits to shareholders; and benefit to a significant degree from voluntarism”. The emergence of civil society has followed different historical patterns in different EU Member States, and European State institutions have had different ways to accommodate the emergence of civil society and its aspiration to influence policy-making. From the 18th to the early 20th century, civil society associations and networks mostly emerged and operated within local of national frameworks. It is in the second half of the 20th century that the development of civil society acquired a trans-national dimension. The emergence of a truly trans-national civil society in Europe is a rather recent phenomenon which is increasingly taken into consideration in the formulation of policy by the European Union institutions. The EU foreign policy also aims at strengthening civil society in third countries (including Asia) to achieve its objectives, notably in the field of human rights and democratisation.     

The Anglo-American “Special Relationship”: The Lazarus of International Relations

Scholars have variously queried the existence of the Anglo-American “special relationship,” consigned it to history as “special no more,” or demanded that Britain choose between its European and American relationships. These critiques have become increasingly prevalent since the Cold War. Yet the current British government, like many before it, continues to portray a choice between America and Europe as a “false choice,” and the “special relationship” has arguably deepened in the wake of the September 11 terrorist attacks. This article contends that international diplomatic history can contribute much to understanding the “Lazarus-like” quality of the “special relationship.” Specifically it argues that a number of critical continuities in post-World War II British foreign policy survived the end of the Cold War and have since contributed heavily to the determination of the British foreign policymaking elite to maintain the “special relationship” at the same time that Britain pursues a leadership role within Europe.     

Altiero Spinelli's European Federal Odyssey

Spinelli became committed to the federal idea in 1940–41 when, towards the end of his sixteen years as a political prisoner, he read books by British federalist authors which convinced him that federalism could resolve the crises of nation-states in a democratic, liberal way. He initiated draft treaties for largely federal European constitutions in the 1950s and the 1980s. The first, for a European Political Community (EPC), was inspired by his insistence that the proposed European army must be responsible to a federal government. But when France abandoned the European Defence Community, the EPC went down too. In the 1980s, as a member of the European Parliament, he led it in producing, and approving by a big majority, a Draft Treaty establishing the European Union. It attracted impressive support, led by French President Mitterrand. The outcome was the more modest Single European Act which, however, led on to major reforms in subsequent treaties. Both occasions demonstrated the synergy between Spinelli's federal vision and Monnet's method of federal steps.     

‘A conference now': Lloyd George and peacemaking, 1939: Sidelights from the unpublished letters of A.J. Sylvester

Lloyd George's latest infatuation [with Hitler, after his visit to Germany in 1936] was something more than the momentary lapse of a failing dotard. To sup with the devil was completely in character for the man who, at the summit of affairs in 1919, had been drawn to power like a moth to a candle, who had come to worship success for its own sake and on its own terms and to make it the first and last determinant oi his actions; and who, for his final appearance on the world stage, a few years after the Berchtesgaden visit, aspired to a role that would reconcile power with practical politics ‐ that of a British counterpart to Marshal Petain; in which capacity, let it be said, he would doubtless have pulled off a better “deal” than most. (A. Lentin, Lloyd George, Woodrow Wilson and the Guilt of Germany. An Essay in the Pre‐history of Appeasement, 1984, p. 154.)     

析印度文化与古代东南亚

印度文化与东南亚是人们常议的话题，但意见诸多不同。通过对几部东南亚史名著涉及古代东南亚论述的比较与分析，笔者认为：印度文化对古代东南亚影响大，但中国文化对东南亚产生影响要早于印度。主导文化影响大小的是接受方。文化影响是双向的，不均衡的。文化传播方式途径都会左右影响的结果。宗教性文化的影响更易显现。     

越南文化中的历史情结

每次踏上越南的国土,我心里都缠绕着几个问题:为什么越南众多城市的街道多以人名命名?为什么无论哪个月到这都会碰上越南的某个节日或纪念日?为什么越南的景点几乎都是和历史有联系?经一段时间的了解,我才明白:这是因为越南文化中有着极其厚重的历史情结。     

Sir Austen Chamberlain and British Foreign Policy 1931–37

This article seeks to analyze Sir Austen Chamberlain’s critique of British foreign policy in the six years before his death in 1937. It presents Chamberlain as one of the most perceptive contemporary observers of the international scene, and in particular of Hitler’s Germany. Unusually among British politicians, Chamberlain drew a direct causal connection between the domestic policy of the Nazi regime and its likely behaviour in the international arena. However, it is suggested that the basis for his understanding was an innate anti-Germanism, which can be dated back to his experiences as a young man in the 1880s.     

Sir Eric Phipps,the British Government,and the Appeasement of Germany, 1933–1937

This article argues that Sir Eric Phipps’ reputation as an “anti-appeaser” of Germany during his Berlin embassy 1933–1937 is not accurate. While Phipps was not in favor of placating Hitler by making territorial concessions, he had much in common with those who had sought a rapprochement with Germany in the 1920s through a policy of inclusion and reconciliation. Particular importance is placed on Phipps’ attitude towards the League of Nations, with detailed consideration also being accorded to his relationship with the British Foreign Secretaries and Foreign Office officials of the period, as well as his views on the Entente Cordiale.     

T. Tamman (2011). The Last Ambassador: August Torma,Soldier, Diplomat,Spy

ABSTRACT

This article recounts the author’s experience as a junior diplomat in the British Diplomatic Service in the late 1960s handling the file of Rudolf Hess, Hitler’s ex-deputy serving a life sentence in Spandau prison in Berlin. As the only Nazi leader still imprisoned there after the release in 1966 of Albert Speer and Baldur von Schirach, his fate as 'the lone prisoner of Spandau’had become an international issue. Sentenced at the Nuremberg trial of 1946, his fate was a matter for the four powers still occupying Berlin. Moscow was determined that as the last remaining symbol of the Hitler regime Hess should die there. In the West, however, and especially in Britain, there was a press campaign for his release that put pressure on the Foreign Office by way of letters from the public and parliamentary questions. As a desk officer for Germany, it fell to me to handle this by writing or drafting replies to the effect that as Hess was a prisoner of all four powers the decision required consent, that Moscow was adamantly opposed, and that Britain could not act unilaterally. But the real target of the press campaign, spearheaded by the Beaverbrook press through the Daily and Sunday Express, was Harold Wilson’s Labour Government. Anything that could demonstrate his alleged ‘appeasement’ of Moscow was grist to its mill. The now weeded file in the National Archives gives little hint of this politically-motivated agenda.     

Sir Eric Phipps, the British Government, and the Appeasement of Germany, 1933-1937

This article argues that Sir Eric Phipps' reputation as an “anti-appeaser” of Germany during his Berlin embassy 1933-1937 is not accurate. While Phipps was not in favor of placating Hitler by making territorial concessions, he had much in common with those who had sought a rapprochement with Germany in the 1920s through a policy of inclusion and reconciliation. Particular importance is placed on Phipps' attitude towards the League of Nations, with detailed consideration also being accorded to his relationship with the British Foreign Secretaries and Foreign Office officials of the period, as well as his views on the Entente Cordiale.     

二十世纪以来印度中国研究的脉络和基本特征

二十世纪初,印度的中国研究开始起步。1947年独立以前,它以涉及中国文化的汉学研究为核心。独立以后,由于中印边界冲突和美苏冷战等复杂因素使印度的中国研究开始转型,汉学研究逐渐边缘化,让位于中国现实问题研究。随着中印关系逐步正常化,印度的汉学研究重见起色。