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1.
This paper makes a systematic analysis of the effect of recent publicity films on China’s national image using Lasswell’s 1948 communication formula. It suggests strategies to make these a success from the perspectives of filmmaker, audience, content, form and mechanism.  相似文献   

2.
Broadway DebutA 60-second publicity video on China was broadcast on huge TV screens in New York's Times Square in January 2011.  相似文献   

3.
<正>Beijing NGO Association for International Exchanges (Hereinafter referred to as Beijing NGO) was established in August, 2007. It was co-founded by Beijing People’s Association for Friendship with Foreign Countries and more than 60 NGOs such as Beijing Women’s Federation, Beijing Youth Federation,  相似文献   

4.
<正>It is pointed out for the first time at the 18thCPC National Congress on November 8,2012 thatpublic diplomacy and cultural exchanges should be pushed forward,signifying integration of public diplomacy into China’s national strategy.Over the past year,China’s public diplomacy has made remarkable progress in institution-building,  相似文献   

5.
In the early stage after its founding, the People's Republic of China established bilateral relations with a series of socialist countries and a small number of Western countries. In order to break up the encirclement of New China by the Western hostile forces headed by the United States, New China began participating in international affairs. It took part in the two Geneva Conferences and the Bandung Conference, and Premier Zhou Enlai visited ten African countries.  相似文献   

6.
With the implementation by China of the policy of reform and opening to the outside world, China's diplomacy has undergone a great reform of profound significance, and has made outstanding achievements. China's development and its diplomacy supplement, enrich and promote each other. The former provides good conditions for the latter's development, while the latter safeguards China's sovereignty and territorial integrity, creates a peaceful international environment for the country's cause of socialist construction with Chinese characteristics, and makes remarkable contributions to the great undertaking of reform and opening-up and the Four Modernizations.  相似文献   

7.
The ROK general public universally believes that China will become a member of the G-2 or will surpass the United States as the primary world power. However, they are concerned about China’s rise, believing that it will pose a threat to Korea’s national interests.  相似文献   

8.
After three decades of reform and opening up, China's diplomacy displays the following ten features: 1. the three interlocked goals of development, sovereignty and responsibility; 2. maintaining "a low profile" while "acknowledging some accomplishments"; 3. a principled, yet restrained stance in pushing for an improved international order. 4. multi-tiered, mutually complementary diplomatic endeavors; 5. four close-knit diplomatic fronts; 6. the intrinsically compatible concepts of "a harmonious society" and "a harmonious world"; 7. the renewed principle of non-intervention; 8. the evolving "people first" concept thinking; 9. guidelines with continuity and innovation; 10. an orderly, gradualist diplomacy diplomatic transition.  相似文献   

9.
During the radical phase of the Cultural Revolution in 1967–1969, China's violation of the diplomatic norms of the international community reached an unprecedented level. Two dozen British diplomats and private citizens on the mainland became de facto hostages of their host government. In response to China's hostage-taking, the British government preferred quiet diplomacy to extreme retaliation such as a rupture of diplomatic relations and economic sanctions. It focused on negotiations through minimal publicity and reciprocal gestures. But in China, the British found a culturally different negotiating partner that was obsessed with principles rather than details. Through a step-by-step negotiating approach recommended by the Sinologists in the British Mission, London was finally successful in securing the release of its detained nationals. The lesson of Britain's quiet diplomacy was a culture-sensitive approach to negotiation and the ability to separate the hostage question from the wider political and economic relationship that would facilitate the resolution of future hostage crises.  相似文献   

10.
Commentators generally accept that the Yom Kippur War and subsequent oil crisis crystallised Japan’s overtly pro-Arab stance. This analysis challenges that view—even after the oil embargo, Japan’s Middle Eastern policy was both discretely and, at times, blatantly pro-American. Admittedly, the Japanese government had a seemingly ambiguous attitude towards the Arab–Israeli conflict and on-going conflict between oil-producing countries and oil companies; however, responsible for formulating the Arab–Israeli policy, the Foreign Ministry preferred to follow American leadership in the region for reasons of national security and Cold War imperatives. The Foreign Ministry’s response to the 1972 Lod Airport Massacre, a radicalised Japanese New Left terrorist attack, revealed a determination to gain international credibility by more actively supporting the West. Lod buttressed the influence of the pro-American contingent in the government; and the 1973 Arab oil embargo did not undermine their position. Although the Cabinet eventually issued a public statement supporting the Arab cause to satisfy the Japanese public, the pro-American contingent succeeded surreptitiously in bringing the Cabinet together to uphold the American-led petroleum order as well as United States leadership in Cold War politics.  相似文献   

11.
In recent years, as the U.S. has shifted its strategic focus eastward, maritime and territorial disputes between China and several other countries have worsened and a number of China's neighbors have adjusted their China policies. The regional security environment has undergone several significant and complicated changes. After 2000, China's periphery strategy has also met new problems and challenges, which has required timely responses and calm assessment from Beijing.  相似文献   

12.
13.
Prresident Xi Jinping's recent attendance at the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Summits, visits to Central Asian and Southeast Asian nations, together with Primer Li Keqiang's visits to South and Southeast Asia, followed with his attendance at the China-ASEAN Summit, and coupled with China hosting top leaders from neighboring countries, have all sent a strong signal to the outside world of the greater priority accorded to China's sun'ounding areas by the new leadership. Needless to say, such a flurry of diplomatic activities is far from enough. In the future, China needs to turn this priority into a top-level design for a long-term program propped up by an unswerving management.  相似文献   

14.
The United States–India relationship was fraught with misapprehension and ideological disagreement during the 1950s. Public diplomacy provides a valuable context for examining these dynamics. This analysis assesses the planning, deployment, and reception of American public diplomacy to India under President Dwight Eisenhower, a period encompassing Washington’s 1954 alliance with Pakistan and economic aid to India in 1957–1958. Public diplomacy reflects the Administration’s difficulty in clarifying its interests in India. The rhetorical and moralising approach of India’s leadership, and their prominence in the global non-aligned movement, contributed greatly to this ambivalence. Public diplomacy planning highlights Washington’s difficulties in confronting India’s identity in world politics; it struggled to craft messages on racial attitudes, consumerism, and Communism, whilst Soviet public diplomacy gave strong competition throughout the period. At the same time, several aspects of American public diplomacy resonated with Indian audiences, indicating that there was the possibility of a closer American relationship with India had Washington taken a different high policy approach to the region.  相似文献   

15.
This article focuses on the development of the EU’s strategic relationship with China, by exploring the balance amongst three key mechanisms mobilized by the EU: framing, negotiation and management. The article outlines these issues in general, relating them to relevant conceptual and theoretical concerns, and then applies them to the EU–China strategic relationship. Through an examination of the framing ideas embodied in key documents, the development of an EU–China “negotiated order”, and the management of cooperation and competition in sectoral and institutional contexts, the article identifies a number of key tensions and requirements for effective coordination, which affect the potential development of an effective EU strategy.  相似文献   

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17.
<正>On December 24-25,2014,China Institute of International Studies and China Foundation for International Studies co-sponsored the annual conference onThe International Situation and China's Diplomacy 2014in Beijing.Foreign Minister Wang Yi attended the opening ceremony and made a keynote speech entitled2014in Review:A Successful Year for China's Diplomacy.More than 200participants attended the event.  相似文献   

18.
<正>On 24-25 November 2012, the Annual CIIS-CFIS Conference on International Situation and China's Diplomacy was held in Beijing. Chinese Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi and Assistant Foreign Minister Le Yucheng attended the opening and closing  相似文献   

19.
The concept of"a harmonious world,"a phrase used by the incumbent leadership of China to encapsulate China's diplomatic goals,has become a new guideline for China's diplomatic activities.By applying this concept, Chinese diplomacy has taken a new turn,pushing China into a new and powerful role in world affairs.China's diplomatic effort,however still faces numerous problems,challenges and risks,requiring the Chinese leadership to refine the concept of"harmonious world"through creative thinking and application.  相似文献   

20.
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