The British Zone Of Occupation in the Rhineland

The Rhineland Agreement, which was formed at the Paris Peace negotiations in 1919, was in essence a compromise, lacking overall cohesion. Its implementation involved extensive practical difficulties for the British government. This paper examines the events surrounding the Kapp Putsch in 1920, the London Schedule of Payments in 1921 and the occupation of the Ruhr in 1923. It shows how the British zone of occupation in the Rhineland represented an area of vulnerability, exposing Britain to the dynamics of European politics and the increase in tension between France and Germany throughout the early 1920s. Analysis of these case studies also provides an insight into the impact of the Rhineland zone on Britain's policy-making process and the shift towards a more symbiotic relationship between the periphery and Whitehall.     

The British Zone Of Occupation in the Rhineland

The Rhineland Agreement, which was formed at the Paris Peace negotiations in 1919, was in essence a compromise, lacking overall cohesion. Its implementation involved extensive practical difficulties for the British government. This paper examines the events surrounding the Kapp Putsch in 1920, the London Schedule of Payments in 1921 and the occupation of the Ruhr in 1923. It shows how the British zone of occupation in the Rhineland represented an area of vulnerability, exposing Britain to the dynamics of European politics and the increase in tension between France and Germany throughout the early 1920s. Analysis of these case studies also provides an insight into the impact of the Rhineland zone on Britain's policy-making process and the shift towards a more symbiotic relationship between the periphery and Whitehall.     

法国新总统萨科齐外交政策初探

萨科齐于2007年5月当选法国总统,他敢说敢为,并有着比其前任更浓的爱国情结。这些因素将深刻地影响萨科齐的外交决策。根据萨科齐在以往内阁中的表现、总统竞选时的纲领以及执政几个月以来的作为,可以初步判断,未来萨科齐将把绝大部分精力放在法国内政上,外交将是其用心较少的领域。他将着力稳定法国与德国、中国等国的关系,法美关系也将会得到修复和提升;在欧盟问题上,萨科齐以制定"迷你宪法"作为主要努力目标,并试图通过主导欧盟改革条约,为法国争取更多利益。     

On the Current French Weakness

With stubborn unemployment,with social costs at more than half of GDP and the European Union calling on France for cuts,with fractious immigration and security issues at stake,the election is likely to teeter on whether French voters insist on their comfortable social safety net or are willing to accept an austerity tonic.Center-right Republican Francois Fillon's surprise November win gives challenge to Marine Le Pen of the anti-immigrant,far-right National Front,who has called for leaving the euro.     

EU's Fate after the French Election

<正>In the second round of French presidential election,39-year-old Emmanuel Macron defeated the far-right candidate Marine Le Pen and was elected President of France.This is a historic victory to France and all EU countries.     

French immigration policy

From the late nineteenth century through 1974, France permitted immigration to furnish workers and to compensate for the low level of fertility. Intense immigration from North Africa, the economic crisis of the 1970s, and other factors led to policy changes in 1974. French immigration policy since 1974 has fluctuated between guaranteeing foreigners equal rights regardless of their religion, race, culture, or national origin, and attempting to differentiate among immigrants depending on their degree of assimilability to French culture. From 1974 to 1988, France had five different policies regarding whether to permit new immigration and what to do about illegal immigrants. In July 1984, the four major political parties unanimously supported a measure in Parliament that definitively guaranteed the stay in France of legal immigrants, whose assimilation thus assumed priority. Aid for return to the homeland was no longer to be widely offered, and immigration of unskilled workers was to be terminated except for those originating in European Community countries. Major changes of government in 1988 and 1993 affected only the modalities of applying these principles. The number of immigrants has fluctuated since 1974. Unskilled workers, the only category whose entrance was specifically controlled by the 1984 measures, have declined from 174,000 in 1970 to 25,000 in the early 1990s. The number of requests for political asylum declined from 60,000 in 1989 to 27,000 in 1993, and in 1991, 15,467 persons were granted refugee status. The number of immigrants of all types permitted to remain in France declined from 250,000 or 3000 per year in the early 1970s to around 110,000 at present. Although the decline is significant, it appears insufficient to the government in power since 1993. Although migratory flows are often explained as the product of imbalance in the labor market or in demographic growth, the French experience suggests that government policies, both in the sending and receiving countries, are a more potent determinant.     

Urban space in the French imperial past and the postcolonial present

  The essay begins with a discussion of some of the parallel forms of imagining urban space found in colonial French and postcolonial Franco-Vietnamese cultural expression. In both cases cities are perceived as dynamic sites of creative exchange and mutual enrichment between the former imperial center and periphery. We also find similar sentiments of regret and longing for an authentic “indigenous” space uncorrupted by Western intervention. The second part looks comparatively at how contemporary Franco-Algerian and Franco-Vietnamese cultural actors depict urban space in the postcolonial present. Here we see that aside from important socioeconomic differences and the more distant and largely absent memory of the French war in Indochina, military conflicts rooted in the colonial past continue to exert a powerful influence on the imagining of urban space. In the case of Franco-Algerians it is the legacy of the Algerian war that pits Algerian-youth against French authorities in urban periphery. For Franco-Vietnamese the memory of the Vietnam War continues to divide the Vietnamese community internally into pro and anti-Hanoi camps within the center of the French capital.     

法属印度支那税收体制特征剖析

税收是法国在印度支那推行的殖民经济政策的重要组成部分。本文梳理了法国海军殖民地部的部分税务档案,认为法属印度支那的税收体制具有如下基本特征:税收名目多,税额重;在直接税征收上一直推行“集体纳税人”制和包税方式;在间接税征收上长期奉行以鸦片和盐酒专卖税为主的政策。这一具有浓厚殖民主义色彩的税收体制是法属印度支那畸形单一经济结构形成的主要原因之一。     

French nuclear idiosyncrasy: how it affects French nuclear policies towards the United Arab Emirates and Iran

This article elaborates the notion of ‘nuclear idiosyncrasy’ as a specific understanding of what nuclear weapons and energy are, what they stand for and what they can do. It then assesses the persistence of nuclear idiosyncrasy over time and its effects on French nuclear policies in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Iran. Based on interviews in France, Geneva and the UAE, this article contributes to three debates within foreign policy analysis and nuclear history. Is a regional approach necessary to understand the framing of foreign policies in the twenty-first century? Does a change in leadership fundamentally affect the orientations of nuclear policies? Are the risks of nuclear proliferation in the Middle East and the measures to prevent it similarly understood by all the players in the international community? First, it shows that French nuclear policies in the Middle East are not shaped by dynamics specific to the region as the often invoked notion of an ‘Arab policy of France’ would suggest. Secondly, in-depth analysis leads one to reject the idea of a major change between the nuclear policies of Presidents Chirac and Sarkozy. Thirdly, persistent French nuclear idiosyncrasy leads also to rejection of the idea of convergence towards a shared understanding of the proliferation threat in the Middle East.     

新时期中国的睦邻外交政策

进入21世纪,面临新的国际国内形势与任务,中国政府确定了新时期的和平发展战略。睦邻外交政策是中国和平发展战略在周边外交中的重要体现。本文分析了周边地区在中国和平发展战略中的重要地位,阐述了新时期中国睦邻外交政策与实践,并对中国与周边国家关系的一些重大现实问题进行了深入探讨。     

Italian Aid Policy in the 60's

The search for common language has become a demanding issues in the Russia-EU relationship. One of the strongest messages contained in Russia's “sovereign democracy” concept is its desire to be regarded as a “normal” country, a full-fledged member of the international community. The concept embodies a search for its own subjectivity, which is ultimately felt to be a pre-condition for its self-assertion vis-à-vis Europe. Russia does not question any of the basic European norms; instead it seeks to offer an alternative version of each of them. For the Western audience, analysis of these concepts is essential for a better comprehension of Russia's foreign policy arguments.     

Terrorism and revolutionary violence: the emergence of terrorism in the French Revolution

Accounts of terrorism, which locate the emergence of the concept in the French Revolution, tend to accept two premises. First, they assume that the concept of terrorism names a particular form of violence. Second, they regard Robespierre as the first practitioner of terrorism, thus suggesting an understanding of the term as state violence. While this article substantiates the second premise by way of a discussion of the first systematic articulation of terrorism by Tallien in 1794, it problematises the first premise through an examination of archival evidence from the period between 1794 and 1797. By identifying a variety of conceptual uses of terrorism as a form of government, political philosophy and political identity, I argue for an expansion of the conceptual space within which terrorism is primarily understood as a form of violent action.     

The Contradictions in the EU''s Policy towards Turkey

On December 17, 2004, after hard negotiations, the European summit finally reached an agreement to launch the negotiations with Turkey on its accession to the EU in October 2005. This is a very important change in the EU's policy towards Turkey. Under the background of so-called "war on terror" and "conflict of civilizations," the EU's above-mentioned decision is especially arresting. Through analyzing the dominant factors in the EU's policy towards Turkey, this paper tries to make a judgment on the future development of Turkish- EU relationship, the prospect of Turkey's accession to the EU and the influences over the development of European integration.     

认同视角下的土耳其对外政策

国家行为由国家利益决定,国家利益源于国家认同。土耳其持有突厥、伊斯兰、西方和外来者等多重身份认同并推崇西方价值观,这些身份认同和观念对土耳其对外政策均发挥不同程度的影响,但西方文明成员和欧洲国家是土耳其的核心身份,整体上决定着土耳其以西方为导向的对外政策,尽管这些身份发生冲突时,国家利益偏好和对外政策导向会受到不同程度的冲击。     

The Versailles Settlement and Identity in French Flanders

This article examines the local reactions to the Versailles negotiations and final settlement along the north-eastern frontier of France, discussing both immediate reactions to the post-war conditions, as well as longer-term trends in identity formation within the region. It shows that the practical considerations of rebuilding after the war outweighed desire for revenge upon Germany, and that on average they were less interested in forcing Germany to pay more, than ensuring the short term costs were met whoever paid them. It also shows that the peace settlement did have a concrete effect in solidifying the border as a marker of identity, with increasing distinction made between the French Flemish and the neighbouring Belgian population.     

The Versailles Settlement and Identity in French Flanders

This article examines the local reactions to the Versailles negotiations and final settlement along the north-eastern frontier of France, discussing both immediate reactions to the post-war conditions, as well as longer-term trends in identity formation within the region. It shows that the practical considerations of rebuilding after the war outweighed desire for revenge upon Germany, and that on average they were less interested in forcing Germany to pay more, than ensuring the short term costs were met whoever paid them. It also shows that the peace settlement did have a concrete effect in solidifying the border as a marker of identity, with increasing distinction made between the French Flemish and the neighbouring Belgian population.     

试析欧盟对土耳其政策的矛盾性

欧盟对土耳其的外交政策有一条明显的轨迹,即利用土急于加入欧盟的心理,鼓励并促进土国内的“西化”与“欧洲化”改革;同时又尽量拖延其入盟进程。欧盟对土政策从一开始就受一种矛盾心理所支配:一方面,出于安全及地缘政治需要,有意在欧土关系上做出某种特殊安排;另一方面,一些成员国对土“异类”文化体系和价值观始终排斥,存在着认同困惑和冲突。未来欧盟对土政策仍将受这种矛盾心理的影响,土耳其最终能否入盟也取决于这一矛盾的发展变化。