从马蒂到卡斯特罗:古巴革命的实践与思想轨迹

卡斯特罗继承了马蒂的思想,把它与马克思主义紧密结合起来,形成了古巴革命完整的思想体系。古巴革命是一个长期的发展过程,具有深厚的历史根基。古巴革命的思想是几代革命者智慧的结晶,具有深厚的历史积淀。崇尚思想、原则、价值、理想和尊严是革命的灵魂,革命思想的精髓,民族的精神支柱。正是依靠这种精神,古巴民族带着体面和尊严,顽强地生存和发展起来,并与北方帝国形成了不对称的平衡。失去这种精神,革命便失去了存在的理性,民族便失去了自我。看不到这一深厚的历史根基和思想积淀,不了解革命的传承,就无法深入了解古巴革命的本质,不会感受到古巴革命的生命力,难以合理解释古巴当前的发展。     

论意识形态与国家利益的关系

在现代国际关系中,意识形态与国家利益有着密不可分的联系,两者间虽具异质性,但也有一致性.意识形态作为国家的上层建筑,是国家利益的重要组成部分;也影响决策者对基本国家利益的判定.追求意识形态方面的利益,是国家制定对外政策的重要目标之一,有时甚至会成为核心目标.     

Securing finance: the paradox of Steuart's watch

This paper examines the changes that have been made to the global financial architecture in the aftermath of the financial crisis and argues that the reforms are confronted with a paradox. Intervention is required to ensure the smooth running of the economy, yet too heavy a hand risks disrupting a central circuit of capital. We have recently witnessed a tightening of the regulatory mechanism such that the parameters of risk taking have been reduced—financial activity now modulates within a more risk adverse environment. Yet, the reforms are not as radical as they could have been, reflecting the need to ensure effective and efficient circulation within an increasingly important area of the economy. However, a stronger emphasis on pre-emptive surveillance has emerged, which may partly compensate for the lack of radical reforms in other areas.     

宏观博识新见迭出--《从部族社会到民族国家--尼日利亚国家发展史纲》评介

云南大学刘鸿武教授主持撰写的学术专著《从部族社会到民族国家———尼日利亚国家发展史纲》 (云南大学出版社 2 0 0 0年版 ) ,是中国学者对非洲历史文化与当代政治发展问题研究的一项重要成果。该书在选题和研究方法上都很有新意 ,是一部宏观博识、史论交融、创见迭出、颇具学术分量的佳作。一民族一体化问题是非洲政治发展的重大课题 ,本书择取这一选题是很有学术眼光的。　如何完成由分割的传统社会向现代统一民族国家的过渡 ,是关系到当代非洲国家现代化的成败 ,影响非洲政治、经济、社会发展的关键因素之一。不同文化、宗教、语言、习…     

The intifada: Palestinian adaptation to Israeli counterinsurgency tactics

In December 1987 the uprising in the West Bank and Gaza Strip significantly changed the nature of the Palestinian threat to Israel and pushed the West Bank and Gaza Palestinians into the forefront of the Palestinian‐Israeli conflict. This article examines the effects of the Israeli counterinsurgency tactics on the Palestinian strategy from the period of 1967 through 1987. It proposes that the implementation of Israel's counterinsurgency policy since 1967 was a crucial factor in creating the conditions for revolution and influencing the Palestinians’ adaptation of their tactics, culminating in the intifada.     

中国对非洲广播宣传的理念与策略

进入21世纪以来,各国对非洲国际广播的特点发生了很大变化.为应对这种变化带来的挑战,中国对非洲广播通过与非洲有关国家传媒机构的合作,加快节目本土化的步伐,增加了落地频率,取得了长足进步.中国国际广播电台的对非洲广播取得了良好效果,得到了非洲有关国家政界人士的高度评价,同时也收到了各界受众的良好反馈.在新形势下,中国对非洲国际广播仍需要不断更新传播理念,适时制定和实施新的广播战略与策略,为促进中国与非洲政治、经济、文化等方面的交流发挥更大作用.     

《反弹道导弹条约》的兴废始末

1972年美苏签署的《美苏关于限制反弹道导弹系统条约》(简称反导条约、AMB条约)是当前国际关系中最令人关注并引起诸多争议的问题之一。该约限制美苏双方建立针对弹道导弹的国土导弹防御系统,以维持双方战略核武库力量的大体平衡。依此建立的“相互确保摧毁理论”成为现代核威慑战略的理论基础。随着冷战后美国执意发展国家导弹防御系统,反导条约已成为当前世人关注的热点。     

以色列打击伊朗核设施的意图及可能性评析

2008年6月,以色列举行了一次大规模军事演习,摆出了要攻击伊朗核设施的姿态。以色列早有摧毁伊朗核设施的计划,且一直在军事、外交、舆论等方面积极准备。以色列急于对伊朗动武,主要基于对伊"现实威胁"认识的深化和紧迫感的增强,有其政治、外交、军事等方面的深层次考虑。从远程攻击力、空袭经验和防护能力等方面综合来看,以军已完全具备远程打击伊核设施的军事能力。然而,以色列要想实施打伊计划,既要考虑攻击效果及其引发的严重后果,也面临来自国际社会特别是美国的制约。     

巴以争端的新焦点--隔离墙问题

隔离墙问题成为和平解决巴以争端的一大障碍,也因此成为世人关注的焦点.以色列修建隔离墙固然有反对恐怖主义、防止和减少恐怖袭击、保护以色列民众安全的目的,但它在事实上圈占了巴勒斯坦的许多领土和资源,给巴勒斯坦民众的生活造成了极大影响,对巴勒斯坦建国也极为不利.修建隔离墙违背了国际法的一些基本准则,对中东问题的和平解决造成了障碍,遭到巴勒斯坦的反对和国际社会的谴责.     

以色列党派的离合与分野

以色列党派繁多，政党的合并(或联合)与分裂也十分频繁，是世界上党派变动较多的国家之一。以色列的大党都各有一部复杂的合并与分裂的历史。以色列议会的席位呈现分散化趋势，大党的优势在减弱，小党的作用在增强。大多数政党是犹太人的、世俗的、奉行锡安主义的，但是也有非犹太人的、宗教的、不奉行锡安主义的政党。在每一组政党内部，又存在许多的差别，甚至在一个党的内部也存在着不同的派别。人们只能根据各党的主要倾向或基本倾向对政治分野做一大致的判断。     

Swiss Neutrality: From Policy to Doctrine

This article suggests that the modern discourse in Switzerland about neutrality signals a change in nature of the global understanding of neutrality from an apparently unchallengeable generic moral stance to a doctrine that requires individual policy consideration on a case-by-case basis.     

普京计划——从理论到实践

普京任俄罗斯政府总理已经1年多,如果说,领衔统一俄罗斯党、推出梅德韦杰夫为自己的接班人、不惜降低身价甘作第二把手以辅佐新任总统也是普京计划的重要内容之一的话,那么如今这个计划可以说已经实现了.究竟什么是普京计划?本文对此进行了介绍并认为普京时代还在延续,普京计划已经从当初的竞选口号演变成为俄罗斯政府的实际工作计划,但其面临的困难和挑战也非常严峻.     

Russia and the OSCE: From High Hopes to Disillusionment

The subject of this article is the changing balance between Russia's positive and negative interests in the Conference on/Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE/OSCE) as these have evolved in relation to Western policies on the OSCE and European security relations in general. Parallel to the decline of positive Russian interests in the CSCE/OSCE, an increase in negative attitudes can be observed, most of which concern the OSCE's activities in post-Soviet countries. While the Soviet Union was traditionally a reliable supporter of the CSCE, the Russian Federation, which initially pursued the same policy, has lost most of its sense of ownership in the OSCE. This change in Russian attitudes is critical for the Organisation's future, for an OSCE without active Russian participation would lose much of its raison d'être.     

从对手到伙伴：革新开放以来的越美关系

1995年越美建交后,在共同的战略利益的驱使下,两国关系迅速发展,从过去的“对手关系”发展成现在的全面接触与合作的“伙伴关系”。在越美关系发展的过程中,有四个因素起着重要的作用,它们是经济因素、军事安全战略因素、大国平衡因素和政治因素。这四个因素在某种程度上都能够对越美关系的发展方向起决定性的影响作用,但它们发挥作用的方式各不相同,在不同的时间段,对越美关系的影响力也各不相同。这四个影响两国关系发展的因素处于不断的变化之中,彼此间的此消彼长关系将从根本上影响越美关系的大局。     

从上海五国机制到上海合作组织

上海合作组织是在新世纪之初成立的新型地区性组织,是上海五国机制的继承和发展,具有广阔的发展前景.它的成立必将为维护地区安全与稳定、促进经济发展作出应有的贡献.     

System Structure and State Strategy: Adding Hedging to the Menu

This paper presents “strategic hedging” as a way to conceptualize much of the strategic behavior currently employed by second-tier states like China, Russia, Brazil, and France. Hedging is an alternative to strategies like balancing, bandwagoning, and buck-passing. Like those other strategies, hedging is driven by structural incentives associated with the current polarity of the international system and power concentration trends within it. Hedging will be most prevalent in international systems that are defined by a leading state that, while in a position of power preponderance, is also in the process of relative decline. Strategic hedging behavior is effective for second-tier states in such deconcentrating unipolar systems because it avoids outright confrontation with the system leader in the short term, while still increasing the hedging state's ability to survive such a direct military confrontation should it occur in the long run. Strategic hedging behavior can also be used to insure the hedging state against security threats that might result from the loss of public goods or subsidies that are currently being provided by the system leader. In this article, I define strategic hedging behavior, present a mechanism for identifying empirical evidence of strategic hedging, and apply that mechanism to three case studies: the Sino-Russian strategic partnership, Brazil's approach to regional leadership, and French opposition to the 2003 us invasion of Iraq.     

Foreign Policy Restructuring: Egypt's Disengagement from the Arab–Israeli Conflict Revisited

This article first examines the relative potency of explanations of Egypt's disengagement from the Arab–Israeli conflict that have stressed Sadat's beliefs, class interests or US influence, and it then makes the case for a state–society-centred explanation. Much is written about a diversionary internal–external linkage when a state threatened by internal unrest resorts to international aggression. This article makes the case for a preservative linkage between domestic tensions and accommodationist external behaviour. It identifies the fiscal crisis and societal challenges as key factors behind the policy shift and examines state utilisation of the policy shift to reduce domestic threats. Foreign policy provided the means for easing strained state–society relations by generating resources to alleviate societal crisis and limit the politically costly domestic taxation. Though this did not necessitate making a specific decision (e.g. the visit to Jerusalem), it tipped the scales towards a particular policy option, in this case disengaging from the external conflict rather than maintaining the status quo.