Rescinding the signature of an international treaty: the United States and the rome statute establishing the international criminal court

The international communiry's efforts to create a global permanent penal court culminated in the Rome Statute establishing the International Criminal Court of 1998. Although the United States of America initially signed it, it later withdrew the signature thus signalling its very strong opposition to it. This article attempts, on the one hand, to examine and analyze the US opposition from the standpoint of international relations and diplomatic law and, on the other, to determine its legaliry in the context of the law of treaties.     

Interagency bargaining and international negotiation: Lessons from the open skies treaty talks

Internal bargaining among government agencies has a direct effect on the formal external negotiation, particularly with regard to the flexibility of the negotiators and their ability to reach agreements. This article illustrates how interagency bargaining within the U.S. and Soviet governments affected the negotiation of the 1992 Open Skies Treaty between the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the former Warsaw Pact.He is currently directing a research project at the center on the proliferation of chemical and biological weapons.     

Recognition,diplomacy, and international law: The curious case of the United States and China

Political necessity required President Jimmy Carter to terminate, effective 1 January 1980, the 1954 Mutual Defense Treaty between the United States and the Republic of China (Taiwan). Prior to the effective termination date, the President's action was challenged by Senator Barry Goldwater who sought to prevent termination of the Mutual Defense Treaty unless and until the Senate, or the whole Congress, gave its consent. Neither the United States Constitution nor the historical record could provide clear guidance on the proper means to terminate a treaty. Recognizing the unavoidable interrelationship between diplomacy and domestic‐as well as international‐law, the United States Supreme Court dismissed the case of Goldwater v. Carter as a political question best resolved by the two political branches of government involved. In taking this action, the Court was able to preserve its image of objectivity while implicitly supporting the President's action.     

The Making of an Accidental Crisis: The United States and the NATO Dual-Track Decision of 1979

This analysis re-examines the Carter Administration’s formulation of policy on the theatre nuclear force issue following the neutron bomb affair. It demonstrates that European leaders did not foist the arms control component of the NATO dual-track decision on Jimmy Carter. Rather, the Carter Administration understood the merits of an arms control component following the August 1978 PRM-38 review and thought that Soviet–American arms control negotiations would play a crucial role in resolving the conflict between NATO and the Warsaw Pact over theatre nuclear forces. This analysis also considers the previously unexamined interactions between the United States and the Soviet Union in the months leading to the dual-track decision. It reveals that American officials underestimated the degree of Soviet anger over the dual-track decision, believing that arms control negotiations with the Soviets on theatre nuclear forces would be possible and productive. The Carter Administration did not foresee the Euromissiles crisis.     

美国与伊朗关系研究的新作——读范鸿达博士的《美国与伊朗:曾经的亲密》

随着阿富汗塔利班、伊拉克萨达姆政权的相继倒台和国际“反恐”斗争的不断深入,早被美国列为“邪恶轴心”的伊朗被推到国际政治斗争的前沿,尤其是当今伊朗核危机局势的持续紧张,使美国与伊朗的关系再次成为国际社会关注的焦点。其实,在伊朗巴列维国王时期(1941~1979年),美国和伊朗还保持着非常密切的双边关系,伊朗是美国十分倚重的地区重要盟友,而美国则是伊朗独立和安全的重要保证。针对这一时期美伊关系,国内虽然不乏有论文发表,但是缺乏系统的研究成果,可喜的是,这一不足随着范鸿达博士著的《美国与伊朗:曾经的亲密》一书(社会科学文献出…     

美国大选和美国走势

奥巴马当选总统是美国的历史性事件。这一历史性的发展有美国社会几百年来融合发展的必然性,也有近期伊拉克战争和当前美国次贷及金融危机带来的偶然性。民主党新政府和国会很可能给伊拉克战争、美国经济和社会带来一些较为重要的变化。但美国内政外交是否会出现、是否有能力实现重大改变是个不确定的问题。美国家长远走向仍可能具有不确定性。     

美国墨西哥移民的行业分布与职业结构

早期墨西哥移民在美国主要分布于农业、矿业和铁路修建等特定行业,20世纪六七十年代后逐渐转向建筑业、制造业、零售业和服务业等劳动密集型行业.与墨西哥移民置身的行业模式相符,他们所从事的职业相对低下,往往分布于低技能和低薪职业种类中,无论与非墨西哥移民还是与美国本土人相比,墨西哥移民体力劳动者比重偏大,从事专业与管理类职业人数较少,纵向流动缺失.这种职业模式在很大程度上决定了墨西哥移民在美国社会分层中地位低下,这既与其自身人力资本状况相关,也源于美国经济与社会因素的制约.     

The coalition of the willing: Effect of country diversity in an environmental treaty game

It is analyzed how size differences among countries affect the benefits from climate coalitions. It is shown that size differences lead to smaller coalitions and greater benefits than coalitions among identical countries. The importance of trigger strategies for supporting cooperative solutions is considered. A real world example, based on the world’s six largest emitters, is used to illustrate the implications of size differences in terms of emissions versus valuations of benefits. Climate coalitions become smaller when ranking in terms of benefits is different from ranking in terms of emissions. Three cases of benefit valuations are considered: benefits equal (i) share in world emissions, (ii) share in world GDP, and (iii) share of world population.     

Screening terror: Hollywood,the United States and the construction of danger

This paper is concerned with how and with what consequences Hollywood studios have approached the issue of terrorism. By drawing on the literatures of critical terrorism studies and critical geopolitics, a number of films are analysed for the purpose of considering the nature and motivation of terrorists, the objects of their assaults, the geographical location of the actual dramas, and the responses deemed necessary in the face of such apparent dangers. Finally, the paper briefly considers how one segment of film audiences, namely, participants (usually avid fans) who engage via online forums such as the Internet Movie Data Base (IMDb), engage and contest the movies themselves. The movie Rendition (2007) provides a brief example of how fans respond to a film explicitly concerned with terrorism and torture. This is important for considering how people make sense of films above and beyond their role as a highly successful form of entertainment.     

美国气候变化政策分析

美国为了维护其现实利益,在现阶段不会以承担温室气体强制性减排义务为代价来参与国际气候变化合作。从长远利益考虑,美国需要利用气候变化政策为其能源安全战略服务。在石油替代能源技术取得突破性进展后,美国可能调整其气候变化政策,在国际气候谈判中采取强硬立场。美国气候变化政策给发展中国家带来了政治压力和经济影响。     

Sport diplomacy between the United States and Iran

America and Iran have not had diplomatic relations for two decades. In May 1997 the election of Mohammad Khatami, a reformist, to Iran's presidency provided an opening for a cautious rapprochement. Khatami advocated people-to-people contacts between the two nations to break the ice, and the United States agreed. After critically evaluating the idea of people-to-people contacts and discussing the role of the large Iranian diaspora in America as a mediator between the peoples of the two countries, this article examines the sports diplomacy that resulted from Khatami's initiative. It concludes with a comparison with the ping pong diplomacy that heralded the thaw in US-Chinese relations.     

美国与冷战后的联合国维持和平行动

冷战结束期间及冷战后是联合国维和行动急剧增加的时期,我们看到大量分析冷战后维和行动形势变化的材料,这无疑是必要的。但形势中一个重大的因素,就是冷战剩下的惟一超级大国美国的动向。很少有人把联合国维和行动面对的形势变化同美国冷战后的战略策略变化联系起来,本文拟就此略加填补。     

东亚共同体与美国

“东亚共同体”问题与美国之间20年的关系（1990-2010年）扑朔迷离。美国在亚洲金融危机中的表现直接导致了它最不愿意看到的东亚共同体构想的产生。之后,它监视和反对东亚国家致力于建立东亚共同体的努力,力防经济竞争对手日本或社会主义中国主导未来的东亚共同体,企图以自己主导的亚太经合组织取而代之。然而,美国又要求参加东亚共同体。但美国不适宜成为东亚共同体的成员,一是因为它不是东亚经济板块上的国家,二是由于其现行的东亚政策不利于东亚共同体建立。但这并不妨碍它继续参与东亚经济。     

United States Hegemony and the New Economics of Defense

Liberal theory asserts that the need for cost-effective, technologically advanced weapons requires the United States to acquiesce to increasing defense globalization even as this restrains U.S. power. Realist logic dictates that the United States should resist defense liberalization to retain its self-sufficiency. This is a false choice; the United States encourages defense globalization in order to extend its international political influence. This paper proposes an alternate theory of technological hegemony that explains the U.S. policy of massive R&D investment in both the late Cold War and the current era of American preponderance. Modern weapons' complexity and economies of scale tend to produce monopolies, and the value chain for the production of these monopolistic goods is dominated by the systems integration techniques of prime contracting firms. In turn these prime contractors remain largely enthralled by U.S. market power. The United States gains international influence by controlling the distribution of these weapons. Put simply, technology with international political effects is likely to have international political origins.     

关于美国的战争特性及其影响

东北亚是当今世界冷战残留最严重的地区,历史恩怨与现实利益相互交织,传统安全与地缘战略共同作用。美国是对东北亚和平、安全与稳定最具影响力的域外大国,从历史和现实的角度,分析战争对美国发展的影响,对我们认识美国的全球特别是亚太地区政治、经济及军事政策,具有重要意义。美国在战争中成长和强大,通过战争维护和巩固世界霸权。美国频繁发动战争的原因包括:没有真正能与之匹敌的对手,选举政治迫使政治人物"讨好选民"与"做点什么",议会对总统进行战争缺乏有效的制度制约,右翼保守势力对战争议题的操弄,在全球进行能源及资源利益争夺。美国虽然不时对战争进行反思,但综观历史,人们对美国领导人能否抵挡住因发动战争所带来的种种利益的诱惑,不能不保持怀疑。