World society,international society and the periphery: British abolitionists and the post-slave state of Haiti in the early nineteenth century*

Many studies of world society in the English School claim that non-state actors gain importance in international relations when they try to influence the most important members of the society of states. This article argues that such an approach overlooks the diversity of world society activities. First, it obscures the activities of world society actors beyond the core and therefore offers an incomplete account of the agency such actors exercise in global affairs. Second, it overlooks the fact that non-state actors from the core can disseminate some of the core’s values beyond its borders. The example of British abolitionist contact with the post-slave state of Haiti in the first two decades of the nineteenth century serves as an empirical illustration of these two points. The case study is particularly useful because conventional narratives of abolitionist activism tend to concentrate on contact with the core members of the society of states and overlook equally significant efforts to “teach” former slaves how to become respectable members of the society of states.     

19世纪末爪哇鸦片税收专卖承包制研究

鸦片税收专卖承包制一度被认为是华侨剥削印尼人民的罪证,19世纪末爪哇社会出现反鸦片风潮,殖民政府借机以鸦片公营专卖局取代了鸦片税收专卖承包制。本文作者指出,以公营代替私营,殖民者的最终目的在于从华侨手中夺过经济大权以获取更高的利润,华侨始终不过是荷兰殖民统治的工具。     

'Real securities against new wars': Official British thinking and the origins of the league of nations, 1914-19

The historiography of the origins of the League of Nations has usually placed collective security at the centre of the debate during the First World War. This is anachronistic and misleading. The British government considered a guarantee of peace to be essential for any league. This was not contentious. The new proposals of 1917-18, associated especially with Philip Kerr and The Round Table, were intended not as alternatives to a guarantee, but as establishing the preconditions for it to become effective. Only after December 1918 did some persons of influence begin to argue against commitment to a guarantee system. The historiography should now move on to consider the economic questions which were more contentious at the time.     

危机与机遇：18世纪末至19世纪初中国帆船的东南亚贸易

自18世纪末中国帆船对吧城、马尼拉的贸易逐渐衰退之后,到19世纪初期依然没有摆脱持续衰落的困境。与此同时,暹罗及安南的王朝兴替,则在一定程度上遏制了中国帆船对两国贸易衰退的势头,并促使彼此间贸易往来在19世纪初期再度兴旺起来。19世纪初期英国在据有新加坡之后所采取的自由贸易政策,使得中国帆船的东南亚贸易又迎来一个新的发展机遇。对于中国帆船的东南亚贸易而言,18世纪末至19世纪初可谓是一个危机与机遇并存的时代。     

British Neutrality versus Offshore Balancing in the American Civil War: The English School Strikes Back

The American Civil War is an important test case for offensive realism because it was the last occasion when offshore balancing by Britain could have prevented the United States from becoming a regional hegemon. Instead, Britain drew on the norm of nonintervention to justify a policy of neutrality. Offensive realists reject the idea that Britain was constrained by normative considerations but disagree about why Britain failed to operate as an offshore balancer. I acknowledge the importance of the offensive realists' regionalized approach to the international system, but use English School thinking to argue that the normative framework that Britain and the United States subscribed to must be taken into account to provide a coherent explanation of Britain's response to the Civil War. Detailed archival research demonstrates that despite concern about u.s. regional hegemony, Britain was unequivocally constrained by normative considerations. The case study suggests, therefore, that societal constraints were stronger than systemic ones.     

英国殖民初期缅甸掸邦土司制度下的茶叶贸易

英国殖民初期缅甸掸邦的茶叶贸易在殖民者＂分而治之＂政策的统治下,在当地土司头人和代理商的重税盘剥下艰难地向前发展,最终迫于各种压力,困扰茶商的税费问题得到解决。同时,茶叶生产和茶叶贸易也带动了掸邦山区社会经济的发展。     

21世纪初美国经济发展趋势分析

美国经济在全球经济中占有非常重要的地位,因此美国经济的未来走势直接关系到全球经济的发展,美国在经济发展中所具有的优势地位以及在未来经济发展中所要面对的挑战与风险,美国未来经济面临着巨额的经常项目逆差、财政收支赤字、能源价格高涨以及房地产泡沫破灭的威胁,使美国必须采取措施进行调整,这将导致本世纪初美国未来经济发展速度减慢。     

Diplomatic innovation: Nasser and the origins of the interests section

This article examines the origins of the interests section and the indirect role played by Nasser in its creation. After providing a formal definition, it goes on to examine two case studies: first, the confluence of events that led to the first use by Egypt and West Germany in May 1965; second, the technical details involved in establishing the first British interests sections as occurred in the Anglo‐Egyptian example of December 1965. It concludes that both case studies were innovative responses to unusual circumstances and offer potential gains for further research in the area of ‘disguised’ embassies.     

Diplomatic innovation: Nasser and the origins of the interests section

This article examines the origins of the interests section and the indirect role played by Nasser in its creation. After providing a formal definition, it goes on to examine two case studies: first, the confluence of events that led to the first use by Egypt and West Germany in May 1965; second, the technical details involved in establishing the first British interests sections as occurred in the Anglo-Egyptian example of December 1965. It concludes that both case studies were innovative responses to unusual circumstances and offer potential gains for further research in the area of 'disguised' embassies.     

Introduction: Kawabata Yasunari in the twenty-first century

Abstract: This introduction argues that there is a need to engage in a fresh re-reading of Kawabata Yasunari. It proposes several possible approaches, including using Kawabata as a model for understanding processes of literary canonization, a rethinking of his reception around the globe during the Cold War period, and a historicization of his work in relation to the various censorship regimes that existed in twentieth-century Japan. It also provides brief summaries of the articles contained in this special issue.     

Party matters: the institutional origins of competitive hegemony in Tanzania

Electoral authoritarianism has emerged as a primary mode of authoritarian rule in the post-Cold War era. It is also a notably heterogeneous phenomenon, in terms of both its impact upon incumbents and the quality of contestation. This article investigates a specific type of electoral authoritarian outcome, a competitive hegemony. In competitive hegemonies regimes are able to dominate elections by large vote margins, but with comparatively much lower levels of electoral fraud and coercion. Using a case study of Tanzania and its ruling party Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), this article argues that distinct investments made under single-party rule into party institutionalization and the incorporation of subsistence-based peasants provided CCM with additional sources of elite cohesion, strong mobilization capacity, and therefore greater stability. The article shows how during multiparty elections elite defection has in fact been minimal, and voting patterns largely coincide with infrastructural investments made as part of Tanzania's socialist development programme, ujamaa. Moreover, while Tanzania's opposition parties have made important strides in recent years in terms of institutionalization, they are still precluded from competing effectively in large portions of the country where demand for new parties is low.     

Civilizations and the twenty-first century: some theoretical considerations

Since the end of the Cold War, globalization has become the centralphenomenon in world politics. Civilizations, once geographically based,are now loosened from fixed space, as migration of peoples andof ideas has accelerated. A focus on the dimensions of intersubjectivitywill give some understanding both of differences among civilizationsand on transformations of civilizations. Attention is thus givento different forms of substantive economies, to historical dominanceand subordination of civilizations and to the reawakenings ofcultures; to what Sorokin called the sensate and ideationaltypes of consciousness and to different forms of spirituality,and to relative orientations toward time and space. Two propositionsare implicit in a concern for civilizations: (i) that thereare alternatives for the human future, and (ii) that if differentcivilizations do coexist, the problem of mutual comprehensionbecomes paramount for the maintenance of world order. The implicationsfor a research program are to study civil societies as the sourcesof intersubjective meanings, the maintenance of the biosphereas the basic material condition of existence of all civilizations,and world governance as the modus vivendi of a plural world.     

ASEAN in the twenty-first century: a sceptical review

Over the past few years, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has undertaken institutional reforms in the hope of rejuvenating itself for the twenty-first century. This paper utilizes the theory of subaltern realism (SR) to examine these initiatives. SR emphasizes that developing world states are weak and internally divided. As such, they formulate regional relations from the perspective of doing what is needed to further the state-building process. This paper assesses two of these reforms—the ASEAN Charter and the idea of the ASEAN Community idea—from the SR perspective and concludes that these measures are unlikely to have the desired rejuvenating effect. The ASEAN Charter envisions an ASEAN that is more intrusive than most of its members will tolerate. The ASEAN Community is not supported by a strong ASEAN identity. However, the regional environment of East Asia creates a political space wherein a unified and motivated ASEAN has the potential to exercise considerable influence. ASEAN member states are faced with the dilemma of determining how to balance their demands for sovereignty with the real advantages they will gain by supporting ASEAN. SR needs to be further developed before it can offer guidance in evaluating this situation.     

20世纪初俄国政治制度透析——根据六部制宪文件

20世纪初俄国政治制度的演变问题日益引起学术界的注意,作为封建专制制度的总代表沙皇为什么走上立宪道路又在多大程度上接受立宪制度以及当时俄国社会制度的性质等问题正引起学者们的关注。以新公布的材料,选择一个新的研究视角,我们可以看出,从沙皇颁布的一系改革文件中,最具有代表性的六部法律文件,反映了俄国社会政治制度演变的轨迹。其结论是,沙皇接受立宪完全是形势所逼,虽然俄国勉强地由封建专制体制转向二元君主立宪体制,但是沙皇仍然居于国家权利的主导地位;而俄国真正实现社会政治制度的变革,其途径只能是通过革命。