Clemenceau's Contacts with England

Contacts between Clemenceau and England and the English between 1865 and 1920 are discussed, with special reference to a recent article by R. F. Hanks. The conclusion offered here is that Clemenceau developed his understanding of British political life principally through his friendship with Admiral Maxse and members of his family, who provided him with an entree into English political society. Aspects of the relationship between Clemenceau and the Maxse family can shed light on Anglo-French politics and Clemenceau's role.     

中国与黑非洲政党交往的历史与现状

中国与黑非洲政党的正式交往始于1978年,28年来成果丰硕。进入新世纪以来,随着国际形势的发展和根据国内工作的需要,中国共产党努力寻找对外交往新的增长点,不断丰富交往的形式和内涵,使与非洲的政党交往更趋活跃。中非政党交往的深入拓展极大地活跃了中非关系,也促进了各自党和国家的事业。今后,中国共产党对非洲的政党工作要紧紧围绕党和国家的工作大局,准确把握国际形势和非洲形势的特点,充分利用政党外交的优势,深化对非洲的政党交往与合作的内涵,为巩固和发展中非友好合作关系作出新贡献。     

Talleyrand and England, 1792-1838: A Reinterpretation

Talleyrand fascinated his contemporaries and later historians alike on account of his wit, style, and epigrams, and perhaps even his policies. Talleyrand drifted across the Channel many times, and so did his policy towards Britain. This article examines his mission to London, 1792-94, and his later attitude towards Britain during the Napoleonic and Restoration periods. In so doing it seeks to demythologise Talleyrand's role as the founder of the Entente Cordiale. His policy, like the Entente itself, was based on ideals rather than realities.     

The Confessional State in International Politics: Tudor England,Religion, and the Eclipse of Dynasticism

Whilst religion and collective identity have become issues of central concern to international relations scholars, dynastic concerns and national interests still dominate their analyses of early modern international politics. This analysis contributes to the constructivist emphasis on collective identity to foreign policy by examining Tudor England in light of the concept of confessionalisation. Based on the recent historiography of Tudor England, this analysis demonstrates the importance of religion in defining not only the collective identity of international actors, but also their foreign policies, choice of alliances, and, more generally, their international outlook. Through such a lens, it seeks to draw analyses of the confessional state away from their focus on domestic state formation to the “external” dimension of confessionalisation and its importance for international politics.     

制税权·财政危机·赋税结构--中、俄、英封建晚期财税体制比较

中、俄、英3国封建晚期财税体制代表了3种不同的国家政权功能,通过比较中、俄、英3国在制税权、财政危机表现及应对方式、赋税结构的异同,可以看出在世界启动向近代过渡的时刻,中、俄、英3国经济结构的差异和未来发展道路的大致轨迹。     

墨西哥应对贸易争端的经验与启示

墨西哥是开放程度和保护程度均较高的发展中大国,在处理国际贸易争端和保护自身利益的进程中,积累了丰富的经验,建立了较完善的组织体系和法律体系。中国是遭受墨西哥反倾销最多、受伤害程度最深的发展中国家。墨西哥对中国商品的反倾销制裁至少产生了两方面的影响一是中国向墨西哥出口的直接贸易损失;二是扩散效应,其他拉美国家参照墨西哥的做法,对中国商品进行反倾销制裁。我们应重视和研究墨西哥的经验,认真研究墨西哥的法律框架,建立产业对话机制,探索建立解决贸易争端机制的可能性。     

Handle with care: engaging with faith-based organisations in development

Religious faith has always had an intense but uneasy relationship with development. Donors are currently seeking greater engagement with faith-based organisations (FBOs). This positive shift needs careful consideration. Faith can be a powerful – but flammable – fuel for change. FBOs are highly diverse and complex. Donors therefore need to handle them with understanding and care. This article outlines both the major concerns about faith in development and also the potential ‘value-added’ of FBOs. It charts growing interest yet residual ambivalence on the part of donors towards faith in development. It presents the practical challenges and suggests ways forward for both donors and FBOs.     

论当前广西与泰国的经贸关系——兼谈与云南和泰国经贸关系的比较分析

在发展同泰国的经贸关系中,广西与云南具有许多相似点,例如广西与云南的区位优势都很明显,都是中国通向东南亚的桥头堡,与泰国距离都很近;根据专家的研究,云南的傣族、广西的壮族与泰国的民族都是"同源异流",双方习俗相似、语音相近,两省区都有不少华侨华人在泰国.更重要的是,云南与广西在产业结构上都是工业不发达以农业为基础的省份,两省区与泰国产业结构趋同和产业水平相近,产业内贸易在双方贸易总额中所占比重很大.在这样相同的背景下,对云南与泰国的经贸关系和广西与泰国的经贸关系进行比较分析,找出其中的差距,借鉴云南的经验,挖掘自身的优势,对于进一步推动广西与泰国的经贸关系的发展无疑具有重要的意义.     

Defending democracy with international law: preventing coup attempts with democracy clauses

In recent decades many regional inter-governmental organizations have adopted agreements committing all member states to maintain democratic governments, and specifying punishments to be levied against member states that revert to authoritarianism. These treaties have a surprisingly high enforcement rate – nearly all states subject to them that have experienced governmental succession by coup have been suspended by the relevant IGO(s). However, relatively little is known about whether these treaties are deterring coups. This article offers an original theory of how these international agreements could deter coups d’état, focusing on the way that a predictably adverse international reaction complicates the incentives of potential coup participants. An analysis of the likelihood of coups for the period of 1991–2008 shows that states subject to democracy were on average less likely to experience coups, but that this finding was not statistically significant in most models. However, when restricting the analysis to democracies, middle-income states with democracy clauses were significantly less likely to experience coup attempts. Moreover, the African democracy regime appears to be particularly effective, significantly reducing the likelihood of coup attempts for middle-income states regardless of regime type.     

俄罗斯与巴西关系的形成和发展

俄罗斯和巴西是位于东半球和西半球上的两个大国。虽有大洋相隔 ,遥距万里 ,但两国具有悠久的历史联系。从第一个俄罗斯人跨入巴西国土至今已有 2 0 0多年 ,从两国正式建立外交关系至今已有 1 70多年。长期以来 ,随着外交关系的建立 ,两国在政治、经贸和文化方面的联系大大加强。尤其自 2 0世纪 90年代后半期至今 ,两国在外交、政治、经贸、科技和文化方面的联系更为密切 ,两国关系由一般伙伴关系升级为“长期战略伙伴关系”。一　两国关系的建立两国关系的渊源可追溯到 2 0 0多年以前。从1 8世纪初开始 ,在彼得大帝时期 ,俄罗斯就出现了介…     

和汤沟有个约会

生活在繁华的都市久了,就会渴望乡村里的那份安宁;呼吸城市里空气久了,山里面那股天然大氧吧的味道就会越发显得难能可贵.如果闲暇时约上两三个朋友来汤沟游玩,一定会不虚此行.在这里,呼吸沁人心脾的空气、感受鸟语花香的同时,还会体验到汤沟温泉那份带着大地母亲温度的亲吻.乡村恬静与幽情定会带走每一位朋友的疲惫和不快,一种心境也会油然而生：心静如水,温暖如春.     

Working with street children

In September 1990 we became involved with the Centre for the Defence of the Child (CDM) in Brazil, hoping to participate in a survey of the lives of street children that was being conducted by the group. The CDM, a branch of its parent organisation The Young Street Vendors' Association, takes on individual cases of street children, providing crisis management with social, psychological, and legal support. It was decided to start a project of regularly taking a team of staff on to the streets and into the areas where the street children were, with the aim of providing a programme of support and self-esteem building, principally for the street girls. This project proved a success with the street children and remains so following our departure from Brazil.     

Negotiating with Your Nemesis

The assumption that negotiators can and should eradicate emotions from negotiating is unrealistic. Instead, effective negotiators know how to handle emotional outbursts including how to respond when the other negotiator evokes their nemesis. A nemesis is the hidden part of ourselves that we project onto others who push our hot buttons. When emotions are intense, understanding the possibility that you may be giving or receiving a projection can help you sidestep escalatory behavior. This article explores the concept of the nemesis and offers practical steps for confronting it as well as responding to others' emotions at the negotiating table.     

中巴关系:过去、现在与未来

历史的回顾中国和巴西远隔重洋 ,分别处在东半球和西半球 ,相距十分遥远。但自 1 9世纪初起双方一直存在着友好往来 ,交往的历史悠久。早在 1 81 0年 ,就有几百名湖北省茶农从澳门前往里约热内卢从事茶树种植。 1 880年 8月 1日 ,中国清朝政府与巴西政府在天津签订了《中国—巴西和好通商航海条约》,并宣布两国建立外交关系 ,互派使节。1 90 9年 ,中国清朝政府派钦差大臣和公使前往里约热内卢 ,受到巴西总统的接见。中华人民共和国成立后 ,中巴关系得到了继续和快速发展。双边关系是从民间往来、首先是从经贸和文化往来开始的。 1 95 3年和 …     

Complying with Human Rights

ABSTRACT

The empirical assessment of how signatories of human rights conventions comply with their obligations has, so far, yielded conflicting results, especially regarding the compliance mechanisms that are the most promising to ensure improving human rights records. We argue that this is due to the fact that differences in compliance systems have been neglected and that different compliance mechanisms have been assessed in isolation, without considering possible interactions. To analyze this argument, we propose a novel way to assess the effect of these mechanisms by relying on a Markov-transition model. Our results show that human rights violations are time dependent and that the effect of independent variables is conditional on previous human rights violations as well as on the strength of human rights compliance systems.