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Power-sharing, which purports to be an inclusive form of governance, has become an increasingly common mechanism for managing identity-based conflict. Yet, critics have claimed that such arrangements prioritize conflict-related issues and, as a result, marginalize identities not associated with the conflict. How ought inclusion be measured? Extending an analytical framework first developed by Yvonne Galligan and Sara Clavero to measure gender democracy in Europe, this article compares the extent of inclusion of women and minority ethnic identities in the Kosovo Assembly, which has institutional mechanisms guaranteeing the representation of both of those identities, and the Northern Ireland Assembly, which does not.  相似文献   

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Yi Feng 《国际研究季刊》2001,45(2):271-294
This paper examines whether democracy and other major characteristics of political institutions have any significant consequences for private investment. I isolate three political determinants that may affect property rights and private investment: political freedom, political instability, and policy uncertainty. The major findings in this paper can be characterized as follows: Political freedom promotes private investment, particularly through the channel of improving human capital formation. Political instability, as measured by the variability of political freedom, has a negative effect on private investment. Finally, policy uncertainty, as measured by the variability of government capacity, adversely affects private investment. These findings have been tested rigorously through using variables controlling for both domestic and international conditions.  相似文献   

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Jordan and Syria, severed parts of the same country, were in many ways ‘siblings’: their systemic situation, as economically weak small states surrounded by more powerful enemies, was similarly vulnerable; their leaders at the time of the Iraq War were of a similar ‘modernising’ generation; the identities of their populations were similarly Arab-Islamic. Yet, they followed diametrically opposite policies toward the invasion of Iraq: Jordan bandwagoning with the United States and Syria defying it. This contrary behaviour is explained by their differential experiences of state formation and the differing social forces incorporated and identities institutionalised in Ba'thist Syria and Hashemite Jordan.  相似文献   

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Reinhold Niebuhr crafted a compelling theologically based theory of political realism, which became the basis for a withering critique of pacifism. Martin Luther King, Jr was influenced by Niebuhr’s Augustinian realism in his own political theology and practice. However, King lived and thought from a different perspective, had more apocalyptic expectations of divine intervention in history, and embraced pacifism. I argue that Niebuhr fell short of his own realist vision through his idealistic faith in US democracy, and that King’s political theology better enacts Niebuhrian realism. I suggest King achieves this largely because his theology is a liberation theology grounded in pacifist praxis in solidarity with the oppressed. By rejecting Niebuhr’s acceptance of American violence and basing his theology on lived confrontation with American violence, King makes Niebuhr’s political realism possible. This reading of King and Niebuhr illustrates the value of pacifism and theology for political theory and practice.  相似文献   

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岫岩满族自治县,是一个盛产美玉的地方,是一座生态宜居的滨河城市,更是一座跨越式发展的开放和谐之城,一座充满希望的魅力满乡。  相似文献   

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2009年11月19日,欧盟召开特别峰会,推选欧盟委员会贸易委员凯瑟琳·阿什顿(Catherine Ashton)为欧盟共同外交与安全政策高级代表。根据欧盟《里斯本条约》,阿什顿的新职务合并了原欧盟共同外交与安全政策高级代表、欧盟委员会对外关系委员两个职位,同时她还兼任欧盟委员会副主席,以协调委员会其他涉外部门工作。阿什顿遂成为“既有钱、又有权”的首位欧盟“外长”。  相似文献   

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Faced with creating a grand strategy for American foreign policy in the post–Cold War world, the Clinton Administration launched the strategy of ‘Democratic Enlargement.’ This analysis makes two contributions to the existing literature on the topic. First, it investigates the role of Wilsonianism and the ‘Democratic Peace Thesis’ in the discourse of the strategy of ‘Democratic Enlargement’ based on public speeches with a focus on the relationship between democracy and security. Second, it utilises securitisation theory to analyse how Clinton’s Administration used the linkage of democracy and security to legitimise humanitarian interventions in Haiti and Kosovo. By addressing ‘Democratic Enlargement’ in security terms, the Administration securitised democracy promotion and, thereby, created a discourse that helped legitimise a gradual move towards a more militaristic foreign policy during Clinton’s presidency. This discourse offered arguments later utilised by the George W. Bush Administration.  相似文献   

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One of the critical challenges of contemporary democracy is securing a balance between the markets of representation and the markets of exchange and capital within democracies. This article explores the effect that political markets have upon capital markets' performance as measured by the market risks within the long-term government bond markets in nineteen democracies of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) between 1955 and 1992. Our theory linking political markets and capital markets will be developed around the logic of transaction cost economics. We will argue that critical aspects of transaction costs within political markets generate corresponding transaction costs and risks within capital markets thereby reducing market efficiency. Specifically, we demonstrate that, based on cross-national evidence drawn from three panels over the time period 1955–1992, stochastic political markets generate transaction costs within long-term government bond markets, the consequences of which are reflected in rising market risk within these capital markets. Our pooled cross-sectional sample confirms that stochasticity in institutional structure presents trade-offs for democracy. Stochasticity may reflect more responsive and generally sensitive representative institutions, but often at the price of risk-laden capital markets. We consider the implications of these findings at the conclusion of the article.  相似文献   

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This article investigates the paradox that despite Jordan's relative weakness, its foreign policy during the 1980s and 1990s exhibited surprising assertiveness, particularly towards the Palestinian and Iraqi questions. Proceeding from the premise that conventional explanations based on state interest are insufficient by themselves, the article will argue that important ambiguities in Jordanian policy during the period under review can only be understood by taking into account King Hussein's dynastic aspirations as a Hashemite. Hussein's skill in intertwining his dynastic objectives with the interests of an emerging Jordanian state identity will be identified as a prominent feature of his statecraft.  相似文献   

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正I present myself; Mr Gunsham Seeborun, Founder President of F.A.L.C.O.N Association.On behalf of F.A.L.C.O.N Association and other affiliated organizations in Mauritius, we would like to congratulate the Communist Party of China(CPC) for its 100 th anniversary. I would like to seize this opportunity to thank the Beijing NGO Network for our sustained friendship throughout these years.  相似文献   

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贾南德拉国王罢免首相德乌帕,解散政府,实行“亲政”,遭到国内政党和反政府武装的联合反对,在强大的政治压力下,贾南德拉国王不得不“还政于民”,尼泊尔终于实现和平。本文试对贾南德拉国王的“亲政”行为及其失败的原因进行探讨和分析。  相似文献   

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