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《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2006,17(4):665-673
As Foreign Secretary, Castlereagh had to cope with the reality of France as an enemy as well as with France as a potential ally. This article examines the pragmatic evolution of Castlereagh's diplomacy from 1812, when an international coalition had to be brought and then kept together that could defeat Napoleon, to the aftermath of the Congress of Vienna, where France emerged as a vital part of the new European equilibrium. In settling Europe after nearly two decades of war the fate of France was central. 相似文献
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Dayan Center 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(4):574-580
Pierre Péan, La Menace. Paris: Fayard, 1987. Pp.306. 95 FF (paperback). Yves Loiseau, Le Grand Troc: Le labyrinthe des otages françaises au Liban. Paris: Hachette, 1988. Pp.332. Marie Seurat, Les Corbeaux d'Alep. Paris: GallimardlLieu Commun, 1988. Pp.191. 89 FF (paperback). Roger Auque (in collaboration with Patrick Forestier), Un otage à. Beyrouth. Paris: Filipacchi, 1988. Pp.303. 89 FF (paperback). Gilles Delafon, Beyrouth: Les soldats de l'Islam. Paris: Stock, 1989. Pp.254.98 FF (paperback). 相似文献
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法国的压力集团虽然没有美国、英国和德国活跃,但自其产生以来,在法国的政治生活中仍占据了一席之地,特别是与政府、媒体和政党之间建立了剪不断、理还乱的利益关系之后,其影响力和作用不断增强。目前,随着欧盟一体化的不断发展,法国许多“压力集团”或“利益集团”纷纷在布鲁塞尔安营扎寨,与其它成员国的压力集团一起向欧盟委员会和欧洲议会等权力机构施加影响,以图左右欧盟未来政策的走向。 一、压力集团基本情况及行为模式 在法国旧制度(指1789年前的王朝)中,封建王朝禁止成立行会和行会管事会。1864年,法国民主化的发展使工会和行会运动有了合法身份,受薪者和公务员工会纷纷成立,成为最早出现的压力集团。 相似文献
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法国的全民公决是大革命的产物。希拉克总统之所以要采用全民公决的途径来批准《欧盟宪法条约》不仅仅是为了体现民主。法国选民对《欧盟宪法条约》说“不”,对法国的政坛带来了巨大的冲击,同时它使得欧盟的建设速度放缓,增加了欧盟建设进程中的不确定成分。 相似文献
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Samy Cohen 《安全研究》2013,22(1):153-179
Robert S. McNamara, In Retrospect; The Tragedy and Lessons of Vietnam. New York: Random House, 1995. xviii, 414 pp./$27.50 cloth. 相似文献
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With the end of the Cold War international relations began anew without the bipolar constraints of two ideologically opposed superpowers. The Iraqi invasion of Kuwait on 2 August 1990 represented the first challenge to the nascent post‐Cold War Persian Gulf security environment. Within the region, France is once again increasingly active in the economic, political and military fields. The re‐evaluation of Washington's ability to remain engaged at its current levels within the Gulf may be attributed in large part to a growing sensitivity in Riyadh and other Arab capitals to the visible US presence coupled with an American foreign policy which is, at times, inconsistent. The net future effect of contemporary trends may be one in which the Gulf Sheikhdoms welcome French ascendancy and US decline. France has experienced its own foreign policy transformation marked by the leadership of President Chirac. Where President Mitterrand sought the role of power broker in regional affairs, President Chirac seeks increased influence and importance. 相似文献
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一、国防政策与军事战略
作为地区和世界大国,法国极其重视国防政策和军事战略的制定与贯彻。冷战结束后,基于对国内外形势的重新判断,法国政府逐步对国防政策和军事战略进行了修正,对法军未来担负的任务也进行了相应的调整,以维护本国在世界上的利益。 相似文献
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2009年4月9日,中国现代国际关系研究院欧洲研究所与中国欧洲学会法国研究会联合举办法国形势及中法关系研讨会.来自中国社会科学院、中央编译局、中国现代国际关系研究院、中国国际问题研究所、国务院发展研究中心、北京外国语大学和中国传媒大学等机构的20多名专家学者与会,就法国当前政治经济形势、萨科齐外交特点、中法关系现状与未来等问题进行了深入探讨和交流.现将会议主要观点整理如下. 相似文献
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正From December 11 to 20,2013,I joined the CAFIU delegation to visit Britain,Poland and France as CAFIU Council Member.Rich in content,the visit not only promoted the exchanges and friendship between CAFIU and traditional partners in the three countries,but also deepened my understanding of the three countries and relevant issues of common concern. 相似文献
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2004年是关于印度支那问题的日内瓦会议召开50周年。这次会议是新中国成立以来首次以大国身份参加的大型国际会议,也是新中国在国际事务中发挥重要作用的开始。重温这段历史对学习毛泽东主席、周恩来总理的外交思想,继承和发挥我国外交事业的光荣传统,开创外交工作的新局面,都有重要意义。一、历史背景回顾1945年越南八月革命胜利后,于9月2日成立了越南民主共和国。但法国不甘心丢掉这块广阔的殖民地,遂于1946年12月出动大军,对越南发动了大规模入侵,并占领了海防、河内等大城市,封锁了中越边界。与此同时,又返回老挝、柬埔寨,恢复其殖民统… 相似文献
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Frank Foley 《安全研究》2013,22(3):435-478
This article seeks to explain why two states faced with a similar terrorist threat, perceiving it in a similar way, and drawing the same broad implications for their counterterrorist investigations, have nevertheless put in place significantly different types of organizational reforms in response to that threat. The study shows that although France and Britain have embraced a common preventive logic in the face of Islamist terrorism, the changes that they have made to the coordination of intelligence, law enforcement, and prosecution in that context have differed because of contrasting organizational routines and interinstitutional conventions in the two states. An analysis of the British and French cases shows that law enforcement can be preventive but that western states are likely to pursue different ways of bringing security agencies and the law together to prevent and prosecute terrorism. The organizational and institutional factors that give rise to such divergent practices have important consequences for the ability of a state to develop a coordinated operational response to terrorism and convict terrorist suspects of crimes in a court of law. 相似文献
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Thomas R. Davies 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2004,15(4):765-780
Traditional accounts of the disastrous World Disarmament Conference of 1932-34 have placed the blame for its failure on France. Recent historians have revised this picture by describing the internal and external constraints on French policymakers and by delineating the equally obstructive policies adopted by the Anglo-Saxon countries. This article outlines each of these approaches, but takes the defence of France one step further. By assessing the evolution of French policy at the World Disarmament Conference, the article demonstrates that France was prepared to make greater concessions for the sake of agreement than any other country. 相似文献